2026-10-15T13:25:00-0400 / 哥伦比亚广播公司新闻
就在戴维·乔利去年启动佛罗里达州州长竞选民主党阵营还不到两周时，坦帕大陪审团就起诉了他的前老板，指控其涉嫌从一家专为残疾人管理资产的非营利组织中挪用逾1亿美元资金。
乔利称商人利奥·戈沃尼的所谓行为“极其残忍”。他也已与戈沃尼划清界限，在7月的一段视频中对选民表示，自己“曾在戈沃尼先生旗下一家与后续盗窃事件无关的公司任职”，且“从公开档案来看，他的相关活动似乎几乎全发生在我们离开他的公司之后”。
尽管乔利并未在被盗资金来源的那家非营利组织工作，但他确实曾在一家营利性公司任职，而涉案资金正是从该非营利组织转入这家公司。联邦检察官表示，戈沃尼曾利用这家公司为自己谋利。据哥伦比亚广播公司新闻查阅的相关法庭文件，一名法医会计师发现，在乔利任职期间，有数百万美元从该非营利组织转入了这家公司。
法庭文件中没有任何迹象表明乔利知晓或参与了起诉书中提及的诈骗计划，他也未被指控有任何不当行为。他对《坦帕湾时报》表示，自己并不清楚起诉书中描述的资金转账情况。
乔利竞选团队高级顾问马克·里德尔在一份声明中称：“早在去年外界获悉利奥·戈沃尼被捕及相关公开档案时，乔利议员就已向公众和媒体坦诚此事。乔利议员是戈沃尼旗下多家公司中100多名W-2雇员之一。他从未担任过任何职务，也未承担任何受托责任，更从未了解过戈沃尼先生及其公司的财务状况。乔利议员从未被针对戈沃尼先生的刑事案件调查人员联系过，也从未成为调查对象。”
乔利曾是共和党人，在特朗普时代早期退党，目前正与共和党众议员拜伦·唐纳兹争夺州长职位。佛罗里达州本世纪尚未选出过民主党州长，但乔利认为，民众对共和党的不满可能会给他带来机会。
乔利2012年至2014年初在戈沃尼的波士顿金融集团工作，直到他首次当选佛罗里达坦帕地区美国众议院议员。根据众议院财务披露信息，2013年，这位未来的国会议员在该公司收入达25万美元。2013年的一份众议院竞选声明将乔利称为波士顿金融集团的副总裁。
戈沃尼还曾向乔利的多场政治竞选捐款，并担任乔利2016年参议院竞选活动的财务联合主席。乔利担任众议院议员期间，他的妻子曾在戈沃尼运营的另一家公司工作，戈沃尼的儿子2014年也曾在乔利的国会办公室工作。
里德尔告诉哥伦比亚广播公司新闻，乔利“做了其他共和党政客从未做过的事：将戈沃尼先生的政治捐款退还给了受害者。乔利议员呼吁其他接受过戈沃尼先生捐款的人也这样做”。
戈沃尼所谓的诈骗计划留下了一串受害者。科罗拉多州居民蔡斯·麦克明在工作中遭枪击后，超过100万美元的法律和解金被存入由戈沃尼的非营利组织管理的信托基金，用于支付他的全天候护理费用，其父亲表示。他称有20万至36万美元不知所踪，且不清楚能否追回。
“戈沃尼所做的事简直太邪恶了，”蔡斯·麦克明的父亲米尔特告诉哥伦比亚广播公司新闻。
戈沃尼的律师未置可否，表示会让案件本身说话。哥伦比亚广播公司新闻已联系戈沃尼的儿子置评。
针对戈沃尼的指控涉及乔利曾任职的公司
针对戈沃尼的联邦刑事指控描述了这位总部位于克利尔沃特的商人和其同伙设立的复杂公司网络。
其核心是特殊需求信托管理中心（CSNT），这是一家由戈沃尼2000年联合创立的非营利组织，旨在帮助管理和投资残疾人的金融资产。检察官表示，截至2024年，该组织最终成为美国同类机构中规模最大的之一，管理着超过2000个信托基金、约2亿美元资产。
检察官指控，2009年至2012年间，特殊需求信托管理中心同意向波士顿金融集团提供最高1亿美元的贷款，该公司由戈沃尼运营，业务是向其他公司提供贷款。
特殊需求信托管理中心2024年申请破产后，一名联邦任命的受托人着手追查资金，并起诉波士顿金融集团以追回贷款。
该诉讼提交的法庭文件显示，这笔贷款被设定为循环信贷额度，允许波士顿金融集团随时间从特殊需求信托管理中心分批借款。2012年1月，波士顿金融集团获得1亿美元信贷额度，需在2017年前偿还，并在此期间按季度支付利息。
负责破产案的受托人聘请的法医会计师仔细查阅了特殊需求信托管理中心和波士顿金融集团的银行记录后分析，自2010年起的十年间，波士顿金融集团几乎每个季度都从特殊需求信托管理中心支取资金。
会计师的分析显示，2013年3月至2014年2月，也就是乔利在波士顿金融集团任职期间，该公司从特殊需求信托管理中心提取了逾1000万美元。
两名会计专家告诉哥伦比亚广播公司新闻，进行此次分析的法医会计师似乎遵循了正确程序：他们是罗格斯商学院教授苏雷什·戈文达拉杰，以及蒙特克莱尔州立大学教授、报道上市公司和拟上市公司会计问题的独立记者弗朗辛·麦肯纳。
法庭记录并未提及乔利，也未暗示他知晓这些转账行为。
司法部文件中的图表展示了涉及利奥·戈沃尼和共同被告约翰·威特克的所谓诈骗计划。司法部
截至2024年底，该会计师发现，波士顿金融集团从该非营利组织借款近1亿美元，仅偿还了约1900万美元。该会计师表示，该非营利组织净欠款约1.2亿美元，包括利息。随后一名法官认定波士顿金融集团需全额偿还，驳回了该公司辩称欠款更少的主张。
联邦检察官称，波士顿金融集团从特殊需求信托管理中心借入的“绝大多数”资金并未用于帮助客户，反而大部分“被分配……至戈沃尼控制的其他实体，用于非法、非投资用途，包括为被告及其他人谋取私利”。
起诉书称波士顿金融集团“充当了 slush fund（秘密活动资金）和中转实体”。目前尚不清楚乔利在该公司任职期间转移的资金具体去向，也不清楚这些资金是否与所谓的诈骗计划有关。起诉书指控2020年波士顿金融集团向其他与戈沃尼有关联的实体的几笔转账构成电信诈骗。
“戈沃尼用受害者的钱过着奢华生活，包括拥有坦帕湾海盗队比赛和肯塔基德比的豪华包厢、偿还自己的房贷、使用私人飞机，以及支付朋友和家人的生活费用，”司法部去年在一份法庭文件中指控。“他甚至将部分受害者的钱直接转入了自己的个人账户。”
联邦检察官以共谋、欺诈等罪名起诉戈沃尼。他拒不认罪，并被下令在明年开庭审判前羁押。
米尔特·麦克明告诉哥伦比亚广播公司新闻，他的儿子蔡斯在丹佛地区一家汽车修理店被一名顾客枪击头部后，一直依赖特殊需求信托管理中心持有的资金。2017年的枪击导致他四肢瘫痪、无法言语，需要全天候护理。
蔡斯·麦克明 米尔特·麦克明
“他现在的生活基本就是在床上和轮椅上度过，”米尔特·麦克明说。他形容儿子是个“很棒的年轻人”。
蔡斯·麦克明的家人追回了超过100万美元的法律和解金，一名法官指示将这笔资金交由戈沃尼的非营利组织管理，其父亲表示。
2024年，联邦调查局通知该家族，他们正在调查该信托基金的问题。
米尔特·麦克明称，他和妻子不得不自掏腰包支付蔡斯的许多费用，包括康复中心费用和蔡斯女儿的开支。
这位父亲表示，他对戈沃尼所谓的罪行“非常愤怒”。
“我就是不明白他为什么要这么做，”他说。
戈沃尼与乔利的关系
今年夏天，乔利告诉《坦帕湾时报》，他是在两人同为斯泰森大学老年事务委员会成员时结识戈沃尼的。他表示，戈沃尼最初聘请他担任顾问，后来于2012年将他招至波士顿金融集团，帮助戈沃尼从 former business partner 处追回3000万美元。
财务披露信息显示，乔利2012年某个时间点至2014年3月11日在波士顿金融集团工作，当时他赢得了一场特别国会选举，接替去世的老板、共和党众议员比尔·杨。在此期间，乔利申报的来自该公司的收入为468750美元。
戈沃尼及其公司员工曾向乔利的国会竞选活动捐款数千美元，戈沃尼还担任了他2016年参议院竞选的财务联合主席。戈沃尼曾向其他政客捐款，乔利今年夏天就此表示，他“努力与佛罗里达州各地的民选官员建立联系”。
当选国会议员后，乔利表示他的妻子也为戈沃尼工作。众议院财务披露信息显示，2015年和2016年，他的妻子是波士顿控股公司的雇员。
与此同时，戈沃尼的儿子曾在乔利的办公室工作，这位州长候选人今年夏天表示。根据他的领英账户，LJ·戈沃尼2014年4月至2014年12月担任高级立法助理。LJ·戈沃尼的领英主页未提及他曾为乔利工作，但写道他的工作“并非职业发展选择，而是私人请求”。
“当一位亲密联系人当选国会议员时，他邀请我前往华盛顿协助组建办公室：建立流程、搭建领导架构，并确保运作符合严肃立法办公室的标准，”他写道。“我来了，完成了工作，在基础架构搭建完毕后便回归了私营部门。”
凯特琳·伊莱克和芬·丹尼尔·戈麦斯为本报道贡献了内容。
As David Jolly aims to turn Florida governor’s office blue, he confronts his prior ties to an alleged fraudster
2026-10-15T13:25:00-0400 / CBS News
Less than two weeks after David Jolly launched his Democratic campaign for Florida governor last year, a Tampa grand jury indicted his former boss for allegedly siphoning over $100 million from a nonprofit set up to manage the assets of people with disabilities.
Jolly has called the alleged actions of businessman Leo Govoni “raw cruelty.” He has also distanced himself from Govoni, telling voters in a July video that he “was an employee of Mr. Govoni’s at a separate company from which the theft later occurred,” and “from public filings, his activities appear to have occurred almost exclusively after we left his employment.”
While Jolly didn’t work at the nonprofit that was the source of the allegedly stolen money, he did work at a for-profit firm where the money was allegedly sent. Federal prosecutors said Govoni had used the firm to enrich himself. And a forensic accountant found that millions of dollars moved from the nonprofit to the firm during the period when Jolly worked there, according to filings from a related court case reviewed by CBS News.
Nothing in the court documents suggests that Jolly knew about or was involved in the scheme laid out in the indictment, and he has not been accused of any wrongdoing. He told the Tampa Bay Times he was not aware of the transfers described by the indictment.
Jolly campaign senior advisor Mark Riddle said in a statement: “Congressman Jolly has been forthright with the public and the press since he learned of this matter when the rest of the world did last year, upon the arrest and public filings against Leo Govoni. Congressman Jolly was one of over 100 W-2 employees among Govoni’s many companies. He never served as an officer or in a position of any fiduciary responsibility, nor did he ever have any visibility into the finances of Mr. Govoni or his companies. Congressman Jolly has never been contacted by investigators in the criminal case against Mr. Govoni nor been a subject of the investigation.”
Jolly — a former Republican who left the party early in the Trump era — is vying for the governor’s mansion against GOP Rep. Byron Donalds. Florida hasn’t elected a Democratic governor in this century, but Jolly thinks discontent with the GOP could give him an opening.
Jolly worked at Govoni’s Boston Finance Group from 2012 until early 2014, when Jolly won his first election for a Tampa-area U.S. House seat. In 2013, the future congressman earned $250,000 at the firm, according to House financial disclosures. One 2013 statement from his House campaign describes Jolly as a vice president at Boston Finance Group.
Govoni also donated to Jolly’s various political campaigns and served as finance co-chair of Jolly’s 2016 Senate run. Jolly’s wife worked for another Govoni-run firm while he was a House member, and Govoni’s son worked in Jolly’s congressional office in 2014.
Riddle told CBS News that Jolly “has done something that no Republican politician has done: returned Mr. Govoni’s political contributions to his victims. Congressman Jolly calls on the other beneficiaries of Mr. Govoni’s contributions to do the same.”
Govoni’s alleged scheme left behind a trail of alleged victims. After Colorado resident Chase McMinn was shot at work, over $1 million from legal settlements was placed in a trust managed by Govoni’s nonprofit to pay for his 24/7 care, according to his father. Between $200,000 and $360,000 disappeared, his father said, and it’s not clear if it will ever be returned.
“What [Govoni] did was just so evil,” Chase McMinn’s father, Milt, told CBS News.
An attorney for Govoni did not comment, saying he would let the case speak for itself. CBS News has reached out to Govoni’s son for comment.
Charges against Govoni mention firm where Jolly worked
The federal criminal charges against Govoni describe a complicated web of companies set up by the Clearwater-based businessman and his associates.
At its center is the Center for Special Needs Trust Administration, or CSNT, a nonprofit co-founded by Govoni in 2000 to help manage and invest the financial assets of people with disabilities. Prosecutors say it eventually became one of the country’s largest operations of its kind, managing around $200 million in assets across more than 2,000 trusts as of 2024.
Between 2009 and 2012, prosecutors allege, CSNT agreed to lend up to $100 million to Boston Finance Group, a firm run by Govoni that was in the business of offering loans to other companies.
After CSNT declared bankruptcy in 2024, a federally appointed trustee set out to track down the money and sued Boston Finance Group to claw back the loan.
Court papers filed in that lawsuit show that the loan was set up as a revolving line of credit that allowed Boston Finance Group to borrow chunks of money from CSNT over time. In January 2012, Boston Finance Group was granted a $100 million credit line and was required to pay back the money by 2017, with quarterly interest payments until then.
Boston Finance Group drew money from CSNT almost every quarter for a decade, starting in 2010, according to an analysis by a forensic accountant hired by the bankruptcy trustee who pored through both CSNT and Boston Finance Group’s bank records.
From March 2013 to February 2014, during Jolly’s tenure at Boston Finance Group, the company drew down more than $10 million from CSNT, the accountant’s analysis shows.
Two accounting experts told CBS News the forensic accountant who carried out the analysis appeared to follow the correct procedures: Suresh Govindaraj, a professor at Rutgers Business School, and Francine McKenna, a professor at Montclair State University and independent journalist who covers accounting issues at public and pre-IPO companies.
Court records do not mention Jolly or suggest that he was personally aware of those transfers.
A graphic in a Justice Department filing lays out the alleged scheme involving Leo Govoni and a codefendant, John Witeck. Justice Department
By late 2024, the accountant found, Boston Finance Group had borrowed just shy of $100 million from the nonprofit and only paid back around $19 million. The nonprofit was owed around $120 million net, including interest, the accountant said. A judge later found Boston Finance Group liable for the full sum, brushing off the firm’s argument that it owed less.
Federal prosecutors say the “overwhelming majority” of the money that Boston Finance Group borrowed from CSNT wasn’t invested in order to help clients, and instead, much of it was “distributed … to other GOVONI-controlled entities for illegitimate, non-investment purposes, including the personal enrichment of the defendants and others.”
The indictment said Boston Finance Group “functioned as a slush fund and passthrough entity.” It is not clear exactly what happened to the money that was transferred during Jolly’s time at the firm, or whether those funds played a role in the alleged scheme. The indictment alleges several 2020 transfers from Boston Finance Group to other Govoni-linked entities constituted wire fraud.
“Govoni used his victims’ money to live a lavish life, complete with luxury boxes at Tampa Bay Buccaneers games and the Kentucky Derby, pay off his own home mortgage, enable his use of private planes, and cover the living expenses of his friends and family,” the Justice Department alleged in one court document last year. “He even distributed some of his victims’ money directly into his own personal bank account.”
Federal prosecutors charged Govoni with conspiracy, fraud and other charges. He pleaded not guilty and was ordered detained ahead of a trial set for next year.
Milt McMinn told CBS News his son Chase relied on money held by CSNT after he was shot in the head by a customer at an auto shop in the Denver area. The 2017 shooting left him quadriplegic, nonverbal and in need of 24/7 care.
Chase McMinn Milt McMinn
“His life right now is basically a bed and a wheelchair,” Milt McMinn said. He described his son as a “great young man.”
Chase McMinn’s family was able to recover more than $1 million in legal settlements, and a judge directed the money to be managed by Govoni’s nonprofit, his father said.
In 2024, the FBI notified the family that it was investigating issues with the trust.
Milt McMinn said he and his wife have had to pay for many of Chase’s needs out of pocket, including a rehab center and expenses for Chase’s daughter.
The father said he is “really angry” about Govoni’s alleged crimes.
“I just don’t understand why he would do that,” he said.
Govoni and Jolly’s relationship
Over the summer, Jolly told the Tampa Bay Times he met Govoni when they were both members of an elder affairs committee at Stetson University. He said Govoni initially brought him on as a consultant, and later hired him at Boston Finance Group in 2012 to help Govoni recover $30 million from a former business partner.
Financial disclosures show Jolly worked at Boston Finance Group from some point in 2012 until March 11, 2014, when he won a special congressional election to replace his late boss, GOP Rep. Bill Young. Over that period, Jolly reported $468,750 in income from the firm.
Govoni and employees of his companies donated thousands of dollars to Jolly’s congressional campaigns, and Govoni served as finance co-chair for his 2016 Senate run. Govoni has donated to other politicians, a point Jolly raised over the summer, saying he “worked hard to surround himself with elected officials across Florida.”
After he was elected to Congress, Jolly says his wife also worked for Govoni. House financial disclosures list his wife as an employee of Boston Holding Company in 2015 and 2016.
Meanwhile, Govoni’s son worked for Jolly’s office, the gubernatorial candidate said over the summer. According to his LinkedIn account, LJ Govoni worked as a senior legislative aide from April 2014 to December 2014. LJ Govoni’s profile on the site doesn’t mention that he worked for Jolly, but says his job “wasn’t a career move — it was a personal ask.”
“When a close contact was elected to Congress, he asked me to come to Washington and help build the office: establish process, install leadership infrastructure, and make sure the operation ran the way a serious legislative office should,” he wrote. “I came, did the work, and returned to the private sector when the foundation was set.”
Caitlin Yilek and Fin Daniel Gómez contributed to this report.