博客

巴黎郊区枪击案一死五伤 嫌犯接受精神状况评估

发布/2026年10月25日 18:59

https://news-multimedia-1393112320.cos.ap-guangzhou.myqcloud.com/939562717219fadb1ebc77c28da781e5f9c1e2859ddbec8b803eeb23f4486a20

一名枪手星期五（10月23日）驾车经过巴黎西郊特拉普，沿途开枪射击，造成一死五伤，法国警方随后到场展开调查。 （路透社）

法国巴黎郊区日前发生的一起枪击案造成一死五伤，法国反恐检察官说，39岁嫌犯经精神鉴定后，已被解除拘留，并转送精神病观察单位接受评估。

法新社报道，法国国家反恐检察院星期天（10月25日）说，嫌犯凯文（Kevin T.）星期六晚接受精神鉴定后，依照专家建议，被转送警方精神病观察单位，预计接受长达48小时的观察，以评估其精神状况是否允许继续接受讯问。

检方也透露，嫌犯的血液样本验出大麻及可卡因残留物。

这起枪击案发生于星期五（23日）。一名枪手驾车经过巴黎西郊特拉普（Trappes）及邻近的拉韦里耶尔（La Verriere），沿途开枪射击，造成一人死亡、五人受伤。

警方随后逮捕嫌犯，并在他的车内发现一把冲锋枪及催泪弹。

死者是26岁的刚果裔男子旺吉（Pengo Bossio Wangi）。伤者包括一名12岁女童，她身中八枪，目前仍情况危急。

警方搜查嫌犯位于巴黎郊外普莱西尔（Plaisir）的住家。据接近调查的消息人士透露，调查人员发现《圣经》、《可兰经》及希特勒著作《我的奋斗》。

由于多数受害者具有外国背景，法国总统马克龙将枪击案定性为“种族主义恐怖袭击”。

The educational divide could spell trouble for Republicans

2026-10-25T10:00:16.055Z / CNN

Republicans tend to run better among voters without a college degree than those with one, which has battered Democrats in recent presidential elections. But that same pattern could give Democrats a potentially decisive boost in next month’s midterms.

Even as President Donald Trump’s approval rating craters among Americans with a college degree, history suggests those well-educated voters are virtually certain to constitute a slightly larger share of the electorate this year than in 2024. It’s the political equivalent of what economists call the “college premium” in wages.

By itself, the typical midterm tilt toward a more educated electorate may not be large enough to swing many competitive races. But the change could provide a crucial thumb on the scale for Democrats, particularly in red-leaning Senate races and House districts where the party sees opportunities to overcome long years of futility.

College graduates have long made up a larger share of the vote in midterm than presidential elections. But the gap could be wider than usual this year, given the evidence that disapproval of Trump’s second-term performance has spread into some of his core groups — including rural and working-class White voters who lack a college degree.

Trump is now desperately trying to rally those voters. If he can mobilize enough of them, it will help Republicans survive the mounting tide of discontent — particularly in heartland states such as Michigan, Ohio, Iowa, Kansas and Nebraska, where White people without a college degree represent a disproportionate share of the vote. But if fewer of those turn out than usual, the electorate will tilt even further toward the well-educated — and, given their alienation from Trump, that could create the conditions for big Democratic gains.

“The agonizing question from now until the election will be whether non-college-educated Republicans — particularly White non-college — hold their nose and turn out at rates for Republicans that keep the environment more at a ‘blue wave’ level, or whether they stay home and the differential causes a crossover into a ‘blue tsunami’ level,” says Bryan Bennett, a Democratic pollster and data analyst.

Even small differences in the breakdown between college and non-college voters will affect the 2026 outcome because of the now-consistent educational polarization in support for the parties.

Through the heart of the 20th century, from Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal in the 1930s through Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society in the 1960s, Democrats consistently ran better among Americans without a four-year degree than those with advanced education. In those years, Democrats were sometimes described as the party of people who showered after work, and Republicans as the party of those who showered before.

That alignment cracked in the 1960s, as Democratic efforts to promote civil rights for racial minorities shattered their hold on White working-class voters in both the North and the South. Over the succeeding decades, Republicans expanded their blue-collar beachheads around culturally polarizing issues such as crime, gun control, abortion, immigration and later, LGBTQ rights. No Democratic presidential nominee has carried a majority of White voters without a four-year college degree since Johnson in his 1964 landslide, according to calculations from the American National Election Study by political scientist Alan Abramowitz.

Under President Bill Clinton in the 1990s, Democrats, conversely, began improving their performance among college-educated voters, who often took liberal positions on the same social issues that drew non-college voters toward the GOP.

This long-developing reconfiguration — what I’ve called the class inversion — has reached a towering peak in Trump’s polarizing presidency. Exit polls found that he won about two-thirds of White voters without a college degree in all three of his presidential campaigns, the highest share for any candidate in either party since Ronald Reagan in 1984. In 2024, Trump also made significant gains among Black, Latino and Asian Americans without a four-year-degree, carrying between one-third and two-fifths of them, according to the exit polls and the Pew Validated Voters study.

Meanwhile, Trump has consistently faced more resistance from well-educated voters. About 55% of all those with college degrees voted against him in 2020 and 2024, exit polls have found. In 2018, White college graduates constituted more than their national share of the population in over four-fifths of the House seats Republicans lost during Trump’s first midterm election. Support from suburban college grads helped blunt the Democrats’ midterm losses in 2022.

In Trump’s second term, as I’ve written, his support among both White and nonwhite voters without a four-year degree has significantly eroded amid widespread discontent with inflation, his tariffs and the Iran war. That decline has been the central factor enabling Democrats to expand the map into previously Republican-leaning areas with large populations of working-class White people, including the heartland Senate races and House districts in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa and elsewhere.

But resistance to Trump remains considerably greater among voters with a degree than those without one. In a New York Times/Siena College poll of likely voters released last week, Trump’s approval rating among college graduates was nearly 40 points net negative (29% positive to 68% negative). That was almost four times larger than his approval deficit among voters without a college degree (42% to 53%).

This divergence in attitudes toward Trump is translating into a stark educational split in preferences for the midterm elections. The NYT/Siena survey found that the share of college graduates backing Democrats for the House (59%) was 13 points higher than the share of those without degrees (46%). Last week’s University of Houston poll on the Texas Senate race found Democrat James Talarico likewise running 14 points better among voters with a degree (56%) than those without (42%). The latest CNN poll found Ohio Democratic Senate candidate Sherrod Brown running 15 points better among college-plus voters than those without degrees; in Iowa, CNN found Democratic Senate candidate Josh Turek ran 22 points better.

Not all national and state surveys this year are finding such large educational disparities in Democratic support, but the bigger difference measured in some polls would be consistent with the results of other recent elections. Exit polls found that Democratic House candidates ran 14 to 15 points better among college than non-college voters of all races in both the 2022 and 2018 midterms.

This persistent gap suggests that even small shifts in the educational composition of the electorate can have big impacts in close races.

Strategists on both sides agree that Republicans now benefit when voters without a college degree make up a larger share of the vote, as they always do in presidential campaigns.

But generally, the college share of voters rises in elections that attract less attention and turnout from the public. “The educational differences are going to be even greater when you get into those low-turnout elections,” says Michael McDonald, a University of Florida political scientist who studies electoral participation.

As McDonald notes, that dynamic partly explains why Democrats have consistently performed so well in relatively lower-turnout special elections during both of Trump’s terms. It also shapes the composition of the voting pool during midterms.

Turnout for all groups falls between each presidential race and the midterm two years later. But it tends to fall even further for voters with less education than those with more. “The presidential election is a big deal; everybody knows that, everywhere,” says William Frey, a demographer at the Brookings Metro think tank. “The midterms, maybe not so much.”

An analysis of census data that Frey conducted for CNN quantifies how that engagement gap consistently reshapes the voting pool between presidential campaigns and the subsequent midterm.

Voters without a college degree still cast a majority of all ballots in presidential and midterm elections alike. But voters who held at least a four-year college degree represented about 4 to 5 percentage points more of the vote in 2014 than in 2012, 2018 than 2016 and 2022 than 2020, according to Frey’s analysis.

Compounding the effect of this midterm differential has been a steady increase in the share of college-educated voters in each presidential election. The census found that college-educated voters cast 45% of all votes in 2024, up from less than 37% in 2012. That means each midterm increase in college grads is occurring off a higher base. (College grads are growing in the electorate because they are growing in the society: The share of all Americans with a four-year degree nearly doubled between 1992 and 2024, with women making much larger gains than men.)

The other major sources of data on how Americans vote disagree on the absolute level of college graduates in the electorate. The Pew Validated Voters study, the projections by the Democratic targeting firm Catalist, and the massive Cooperative Election Study poll all found that college grads cast 40 to 41% of the 2024 vote, slightly less than the Census number.

But critically, almost without exception, those data sources agree on the same relative trajectory as the census: The share of college-educated voters is steadily rising across each presidential election, and the share bumps up a few points more in each subsequent midterm. Similar to the census, for instance, Catalist found that the share of the presidential vote cast by college graduates increased by 7 points from 2012 to 2024. Likewise, it found that the share of the vote cast by college graduates soared by 6 points from 2020 to the succeeding 2022 midterm.

Bennett, the Democratic pollster, believes the education shift again will be substantial this year. In most polls, he says, “just as there is a partisan differential in … enthusiasm about voting in the midterms favoring Democrats, there is also (an) elevated differential between college and non-college.” Using the baseline from Catalist and Pew, Bennett expects college graduates will cast about 45% of the vote next month. Using the census as his baseline, Frey puts his estimate even higher, at nearly 48%.

As Frey’s figures (see table) show, all these changes have been felt in virtually every state with a competitive Senate race this year. Even in states such as Michigan, Ohio and Maine, where voters without a degree constitute an outsize proportion of the overall electorate, their share has been declining, particularly in midterms. In all three of those states, Frey estimates that college graduates will cast as much as 45% of votes this year, up from the mid-30s in the 2014 midterms.

These changes matter largely because more college voters remain dubious of Trump than those without degrees — despite Trump’s second-term slippage among the latter. But there’s also evidence that voters without degrees — especially White non-college voters —remain more resistant to voting for Democrats, even when they are disappointed in Trump.

In the new NYT/Siena College poll, for instance, 84% of college-educated Whites who disapproved of Trump’s performance said they intend to vote Democratic for the House; only 77% of Whites without a degree who disapproved of Trump intended to back Democrats, according to detailed results provided by the pollster.

Likewise, in the most recent CNN polling, 80% of college-educated Whites down on Trump said they would support the Democratic Senate candidates in Ohio and Iowa. But Turek was attracting just 62% of non-college Whites who disapproved in Iowa, and Brown only 72% of them in Ohio. Data provided by the Pew Research Center from its latest national survey show that minorities without a degree who disapprove of Trump are also less likely to say they’re supporting Democrats than minorities with advanced education.

Trump’s final campaign swing seems designed to energize core Republican voters, primarily those without college degrees, by stressing the cultural and racial issues that divide them from Democrats, even if they are unhappy about his economic record. Like Bennett, many strategists on both sides agree the critical variable in these last weeks will be how many of those cross-pressured blue-collar Republicans turn out and stick with their party, especially in the red-leaning states that will decide Senate control.

“The Democratic side is locked and loaded,” says Daron Shaw, a Republican pollster and political scientist at the University of Texas at Austin. “I think all the action is on the Republican side. The question is: Are Republicans going to show, and are those who show actually going to defect?”

If Trump mobilizes enough blue-collar Republicans, that will limit the electorate’s tilt toward voters with degrees and likely allow Republicans to contain their losses. But if too many of those working-class conservatives stay home, the midterm college premium could leave Republicans lamenting their final grade — even in states where the party has not been seriously tested in years.

迫于美方施压与抗衡中国 日本探讨途径涨军费

发布/2026年10月25日 19:16 符祝慧（东京特派员）

• 面对美方要求将防卫开支提至GDP3.5%的施压，日本探讨把基建、网络安全等纳入综合防卫开支以拼凑达标。
• 据《朝日新闻》推算，若按美方要求将军费占比拉高至3.5%，日本每年防卫相关资金将突破20万亿日元。
• 高市政府预计年底修订安保文件时扩大支出范畴，并拟将能源供应等经济安保项目列入防卫经费盘子。
• 为填补或超10万亿日元的军费缺口，执政阵营提出增收公司税，但遭商界批评恐削弱企业竞争力。

https://news-multimedia-1393112320.cos.ap-guangzhou.myqcloud.com/150bf8865216fd74d92893e843e25e7853ebdc24db3305e7868b15b7a4a89e0a

日本陆上自卫队9月初与法国部队在北部宫城县举行双边演习，一名日本士兵使用澳大利亚公司DefendTex制造的Drone40微型四旋翼无人机。 （路透社）

面对美国特朗普政府要求将核心防卫费提高至国内生产总值（GDP）3.5%的强力施压，作为美国亲密盟友的日本正积极探讨多项应对方案，包括将公共基础设施、网络安全及能源等纳入“综合防卫开支”以拼凑达标。

日本媒体警告，在中国的经济与军费规模均已达日本四倍以上的背景下，防卫预算翻倍势必使负债累累的日本财政承受空前压力。

《朝日新闻》引述政府内部知情人士披露，美国政府已多次私下向日本提出，要求将防卫开支占比拉高至GDP的3.5%，并宣称这一比率已成为美国盟友的“国际新基准”。

根据日本2022年底制定的现行《国家安全保障战略》等“安保三文件”，日本原本计划在五年内将防卫开支占GDP比重从1%拉高至2%，五年军费预算总额约为43万亿日元（约3500亿新元）。

《朝日新闻》推算，若依美国要求将防卫开支拉高至GDP的3.5%，日本每年的防卫相关资金将突破20万亿日元，达到目前预算规模的两倍以上。

年底修订安保文件 拟借经济安保给扩充军费充数

为了在账面上达到美国的高指标，日本首相高市早苗领导的政府预计在今年底修订《国家安全保障战略》时，全面扩大研究开发、公共基础设施、网络安全及国际合作四个领域的支出范畴。

同时，为应对乌克兰战争及中东乱局长期化的冲击，高市政府也计划把保障能源供应等经济安保项目列入防卫经费盘子。

跨国安保合作方面的支出也被列入扩军经费。日本自2023年起向“志同道合国家”无偿提供防卫装备的“政府安全保障能力强化支援”（Official Security Assistance，简称OSA）项目预算，也将纳入扩充之列。

此外，推进人工智能（AI）及太空领域等方面的支出，以及建设避难设施等国民保护项目，被纳入综合安保相关经费，成为增加军费的途径之一。

不过，《日本经济新闻》指出，受通胀高企影响，各类型国防装备采购单价水涨船高。自民党内部提出警惕声音，要求“在扩大开支项目的同时，也要确保用于直接采购核心防卫装备的实质预算不被稀释，因为这才是提升作战能力的重点”。

主权债务超GDP两倍 拟增征公司税引商界反弹

《朝日新闻》在社论中直言，日本急于扩充军费的深层原因在于应对“中国因素”。中国的GDP规模和年度国防预算均已达到日本的四倍以上。

然而，日本在涨军费上面对的最大难题是财源。日本中央与地方政府债务总额占GDP的比重已超过200%；相较之下，同样宣布将国防开支提高至3.5%的德国，其债务占比仅在60%左右。

为填补很可能突破10万亿日元的巨额防卫开支缺口，日本执政阵营内部提出，通过额外增收法人税（即公司税）来筹措经费。提高公司税也被视为一种稳定的财源。

然而，这项盘算在商界引发强烈阻力。日本经济界代表批评，在通胀环境下强行增税将严重削弱企业的国际竞争力，并直接打击企业为员工加薪的积极性。相关增税方案可能会在国会与社会上掀起激烈的政治反弹。

迫于美方施压与抗衡中国 日本探讨途径涨军费

发布/2026年10月25日 19:16 符祝慧 东京特派员

• 面对美方要求将防卫开支提至GDP3.5%的施压，日本探讨把基建、网络安全等纳入综合防卫开支以拼凑达标。
• 据《朝日新闻》推算，若按美方要求将军费占比拉高至3.5%，日本每年防卫相关资金将突破20万亿日元。
• 高市政府预计年底修订安保文件时扩大支出范畴，并拟将能源供应等经济安保项目列入防卫经费盘子。
• 为填补或超10万亿日元的军费缺口，执政阵营提出增收公司税，但遭商界批评恐削弱企业竞争力。

https://news-multimedia-1393112320.cos.ap-guangzhou.myqcloud.com/150bf8865216fd74d92893e843e25e7853ebdc24db3305e7868b15b7a4a89e0a

日本陆上自卫队9月初与法国部队在北部宫城县举行双边演习，一名日本士兵使用澳大利亚公司DefendTex制造的Drone40微型四旋翼无人机。 （路透社）

面对美国特朗普政府要求将核心防卫费提高至国内生产总值（GDP）3.5%的强力施压，作为美国亲密盟友的日本正积极探讨多项应对方案，包括将公共基础设施、网络安全及能源等纳入“综合防卫开支”以拼凑达标。

日本媒体警告，在中国的经济与军费规模均已达日本四倍以上的背景下，防卫预算翻倍势必使负债累累的日本财政承受空前压力。

《朝日新闻》引述政府内部知情人士披露，美国政府已多次私下向日本提出，要求将防卫开支占比拉高至GDP的3.5%，并宣称这一比率已成为美国盟友的“国际新基准”。

根据日本2022年底制定的现行《国家安全保障战略》等“安保三文件”，日本原本计划在五年内将防卫开支占GDP比重从1%拉高至2%，五年军费预算总额约为43万亿日元（约3500亿新元）。

《朝日新闻》推算，若依美国要求将防卫开支拉高至GDP的3.5%，日本每年的防卫相关资金将突破20万亿日元，达到目前预算规模的两倍以上。

年底修订安保文件 拟借经济安保给扩充军费充数

为了在账面上达到美国的高指标，日本首相高市早苗领导的政府预计在今年底修订《国家安全保障战略》时，全面扩大研究开发、公共基础设施、网络安全及国际合作四个领域的支出范畴。

同时，为应对乌克兰战争及中东乱局长期化的冲击，高市政府也计划把保障能源供应等经济安保项目列入防卫经费盘子。

跨国安保合作方面的支出也被列入扩军经费。日本自2023年起向“志同道合国家”无偿提供防卫装备的“政府安全保障能力强化支援”（Official Security Assistance，简称OSA）项目预算，也将纳入扩充之列。

此外，推进人工智能（AI）及太空领域等方面的支出，以及建设避难设施等国民保护项目，被纳入综合安保相关经费，成为增加军费的途径之一。

不过，《日本经济新闻》指出，受通胀高企影响，各类型国防装备采购单价水涨船高。自民党内部提出警惕声音，要求“在扩大开支项目的同时，也要确保用于直接采购核心防卫装备的实质预算不被稀释，因为这才是提升作战能力的重点”。

主权债务超GDP两倍 拟增征公司税引商界反弹

《朝日新闻》在社论中直言，日本急于扩充军费的深层原因在于应对“中国因素”。中国的GDP规模和年度国防预算均已达到日本的四倍以上。

然而，日本在涨军费上面对的最大难题是财源。日本中央与地方政府债务总额占GDP的比重已超过200%；相较之下，同样宣布将国防开支提高至3.5%的德国，其债务占比仅在60%左右。

为填补很可能突破10万亿日元的巨额防卫开支缺口，日本执政阵营内部提出，通过额外增收法人税（即公司税）来筹措经费。提高公司税也被视为一种稳定的财源。

然而，这项盘算在商界引发强烈阻力。日本经济界代表批评，在通胀环境下强行增税将严重削弱企业的国际竞争力，并直接打击企业为员工加薪的积极性。相关增税方案可能会在国会与社会上掀起激烈的政治反弹。

英法2500军人模拟北约领土遇袭 展开20年来最大规模空降演习之一

2026年10月25日 12:17

https://news-multimedia-1393112320.cos.ap-guangzhou.myqcloud.com/118ed1832975e59bf210bc253cd00e5d7931f2d4868966da8615f64d90d54f1e

英法伞兵在德国举行的“犀牛泰坦”军事演习中实施空降，模拟应对配备无人机和电子战装备的敌军，提升北约快速部署及防御能力。 （路透社）

英国和法国约2500名军人参加为期七周的大规模军事演习，模拟北大西洋公约组织（NATO）领土遭受现代化军事攻击的情景。其中，600名英法伞兵在德国实施空降行动，是英国近20年来规模最大的空降行动之一。

法新社报道，英国政府星期天（10月25日）说，这场代号“犀牛泰坦”（Rhino Titan）的演习在德国森内拉格军事训练中心举行，旨在检验英国军队面对配备无人机和电子战装备的敌军时的作战能力。

演习期间，600名英法伞兵乘坐四架英国皇家空军A400M“阿特拉斯”运输机，在德国上空实施空降，展示北约盟国迅速部署大规模空降兵力的能力。

这场演习正值欧洲日益担忧俄罗斯军事威胁之际。随着俄乌战争持续，北约成员国正加强军事准备，以应对可能针对北约领土发动的攻击。

英国国防部长斯特里廷发表声明说，21世纪的安全威胁要求军队采取更新、更现代化的作战方式，英国武装部队正为此调整训练和部署。

他说：“这场与法国和德国盟友共同举行的大规模演习，证明我们有能力在任何有需要的地方迅速部署大规模空降兵力，保卫北约领土。”

斯特里廷指出，军队与专业装备的结合，有助于威慑潜在对手，确保英国及盟友的安全。

马斯克指乌克兰违规使用星链发动无人机袭击 警告或终止服务

2026年10月25日 13:04

https://news-multimedia-1393112320.cos.ap-guangzhou.myqcloud.com/5b9b0ad6b802d866524860bcf1afea6907eee7a81c318f962996c9ae691bc5f3

2025年4月，乌克兰武装部队在顿涅茨克州波克罗夫斯克前线附近架设星链卫星通信设备。 （路透社）

美国科技富豪马斯克指责乌克兰军方违反星链（Starlink）卫星网络的服务条款，利用星链发动攻击性无人机袭击，并警告违规行为可能导致服务终止。这番言论正值美国与乌克兰因星链网络受限问题关系紧张之际。

马斯克星期六（10月24日）在社交平台X发文说，乌克兰军方违反星链服务条款，利用网络发动无人机袭击、杀伤人员。不过，他称有关漏洞已于上星期堵住。

他强调，星链始终定位为民用通信系统，而非杀人工具，任何违反服务条款的行为都可能导致服务终止。

不过，马斯克也承认，星链对乌克兰防御至关重要，因为它是目前唯一无法被干扰或摧毁的通信系统。

他说：“如果星链服务被切断，乌克兰前线将立即崩溃。”

乌克兰自2022年俄乌战争爆发以来，高度依赖星链民用卫星通信系统，以及军用版本“星盾”（Starshield），维持前线通信、无人机操作和后勤协调，并应对俄罗斯导弹及无人机袭击。

乌克兰方面则宣布，星链及星盾的服务速度已恢复正常。乌克兰国防部长赫马拉星期六说，监测系统显示，设备以超过每小时400公里的速度移动时，网络连接仍保持稳定。这里的速度指设备移动速度，而非网络传输速度。

赫马拉指出，网络服务从星期五夜间开始恢复，对前线部队、无人机操作、后勤和通信至关重要。

星链近期成为美乌争端的焦点。此前，乌克兰总统泽连斯基指责华盛顿未及时向基辅通报俄罗斯导弹袭击预警，又通过限制星链服务速度削弱乌军应对能力，变相帮助俄罗斯。

赫马拉认为，星链服务恢复显示泽连斯基在这场争议中采取的坚定立场开始取得成效。

马斯克自2022年俄乌战争爆发以来，多次改变对乌克兰的态度。他此前坚持，任何导致星链服务中断的决定都应由美国政府负责，而非旗下太空探索技术公司SpaceX。

悉尼新国际机场正式启用 可全天24小时运营

2026年10月25日 13:43

https://news-multimedia-1393112320.cos.ap-guangzhou.myqcloud.com/dedfc7199af18ec745e35fd98cc604258b0df17209d9454953a89d8da2bed710

悉尼西部国际机场的抵境大厅。新机场耗资56亿澳元兴建，星期天（10月25日）正式启用客运服务，可全天24小时运营。 （路透社）

澳大利亚悉尼耗资56亿澳元（约50亿新元）兴建的新国际机场星期天（10月25日）正式开放客运服务，结束逾10年的规划与建设。这座机场可全天24小时运营，为航空公司提供更灵活的航班安排，也有望带动悉尼西部地区的发展。

路透社报道，新机场名为西悉尼国际机场（Western Sydney International Airport），位于悉尼市中心以西约60公里的巴杰里斯溪（Badgerys Creek），周边人口快速增长，居民种族背景多元。

与新机场不同，现有悉尼机场实施宵禁，晚上11时至隔天早上6时禁止航班起降，限制航空公司的航班调度灵活性。

澳洲总理阿尔巴尼斯发表声明说：“这是澳大利亚50多年来首次启用大型新机场，也是数十年努力的重要里程碑。”他表示，对新机场正式启用感到非常自豪。

根据机场声明，澳洲航空旗下廉价航空公司捷星航空（Jetstar）定于星期天执飞首趟从新机场出发的客运航班，目的地为黄金海岸。

新机场称，机场具备每年处理超过8000万人次旅客的能力。今年7月，机场已率先启动货运航班服务。

新机场占地1780公顷，土地由澳洲联邦政府于1980年代购入。项目历经15年规划、七年施工，于2025年7月竣工，并在今年10月正式迎接旅客。

Economic woes transform the Midwest into a massive midterms battleground

2026-10-25T04:00:15.456Z / CNN

Cincinnati—

Democrats could be poised for a revival in the heartland, as furor over high costs and doubt about President Donald Trump’s willingness to change the nation’s trajectory threaten to loosen the GOP’s grip on working-class voters.

A decade after the Trump era began, when he first turned Midwestern political battlegrounds into reliably Republican states, the fallout from policies of his second term have rippled through the agriculture sector and broader economies across the Great Plains and the Rust Belt.

Iowa and Ohio, which have not been competitive since former President Barack Obama was on the ballot, are in play. And ruby-red states like Kansas, Nebraska and Indiana are not exempt. The shift is happening up and down the ballot, with tight contests for the House, Senate and governor blanketing the middle of the country.

From spring planting to fall harvest, anxiety over Trump’s war with Iran and the fallout from his trade battles has turned into alarm.

In conversations across the region, voters point to the soaring cost of gas and diesel, as well as high grocery prices and interest rates. A whipsaw tariff policy has forced farmers to pay more for fertilizer, while some manufacturers, footing higher bills for imported components, have laid off workers. Trump’s decision to allow imported beef has infuriated ranchers. And spending cuts targeting healthcare and grant programs have caused further strain.

Promises to revitalize the nation’s manufacturing sector remain unfulfilled. And even before the Iran war sent costs soaring, several of these battleground states were in fiscal decline.

Iowa, for example, recorded the weakest annual growth rate in the country in 2025, according to the federal Bureau of Economic Analysis, a searing indictment for Republicans who have had control of state government for more than a decade.

“I think everybody in agriculture is tired, would be the best way to put it. They’re just tired,” Steve Kuiper, a farmer and president of the Iowa Corn Growers Association, told CNN. “They feel very beat up right now, demoralized.”

It has all fueled a hunger for change — and created an opening for Democratic candidates.

“A lot of the promises the president made to bring costs down, to not start new foreign wars, to deliver on his economic message, have not come to fruition,” said Beau Bayh, the third-generation scion of Indiana’s most famous Democratic political family. If he wins his race for secretary of state, he’d be the first member of his party to win statewide in Indiana in 14 years.

Trump knows better than most presidents that midterm elections are a reflection — and referendum — on the party in power. He experienced it in 2018, when Republicans held control of the Senate but lost their majority in the House — including three seats in Iowa. GOP officials tell CNN they fear a repeat of that scenario.

The travel plans of both parties tell the tale, with Trump set to visit Michigan on Sunday after making stops in Ohio, Kansas, Nebraska and Iowa in a monthlong campaign blitz. Obama traveled to Michigan and Ohio on Saturday, rallying support in two states he once won.

Polls suggest voters are willing to punish the Republicans in power in Washington, even though they also hold dim views of the Democratic brand.

“It’s not that they’ve been overwhelmed by the Democratic Party, it’s just that they’re really, really pissed off,” Tom Vilsack, a Democratic former Iowa governor, told CNN. “They want to send a message of disappointment. When you’re upset with someone, you want to find a way to send a message. You don’t swallow it, you send that message.”

Vilsack, who served two terms as agriculture secretary in the Obama administration, said economic frustrations across the agriculture and manufacturing sectors have been rising long before the Trump era. But he said the promises Trump made during his three campaigns, particularly when he pledged to bring prices down only two years ago, are feeding the anger.

“He builds up the hope that it’s going to be fundamentally different,” Vilsack said. “That was interpreted that he’s going to bring back the good times. He failed to do that.”

Former Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty, who was the last Republican to win that office in his reelection two decades ago, said Trump would be better off talking about rising costs and how he intends to change course.

“It’s going to be a blue wave,” Pawlenty told CNN. “We just don’t know if it’s knee-deep, waist-deep, or going to hit us right in the face.”

The House is all but certain to fall from GOP control, he said, but added: “The real chance for Republicans to salvage something out of this is to hang on to the Senate and that’s a real possibility.”

House and Senate in the balance

In Iowa and Ohio, Democrats have a shot at winning Senate races that are crucial to the net four-seat gain they need to claim a majority — a goal that eluded them in 2018. Their odds look even better in those states’ governor’s races, potentially giving the party a foothold in statehouses where Republicans have trifectas: control of the executive, legislative and judicial branches.

But the Democratic revival could extend even further. Megachurch pastor Adam Hamilton has the GOP scrambling to save the seat of Sen. Roger Marshall in Kansas. An independent candidate, Dan Osborn, has rallied Democratic support and thrown a curveball into Republican Sen. Pete Ricketts’ bid for a second term in Nebraska.

And a slew of House seats across the Midwest held by Republicans are in play. Democrats believe they could win as many as three GOP-held seats each in Iowa and Ohio, plus potentially four more in Michigan. The party is also targeting an Omaha-based district in Nebraska and one in southeastern Wisconsin’s Driftless Area. If the election breaks in Democrats’ favor in a big way, another House seat in Nebraska, as well as one seat each in Indiana and Kansas, could also prove to be much more competitive than either party expected early in the 2026 election cycle.

Republicans aren’t conceding any of those races. And they believe they have Democrats on defense in the Upper Midwest — particularly Michigan, where progressive former public health official Abdul El-Sayed is locked in an expensive and bitter Senate race against Republican former Rep. Mike Rogers.

https://cnn.com/video/weather/2026/10/23/michigan-senate-candidates-black-voters-intv-vstop.cnn

Speaking in Sioux City, Iowa, on Thursday, Trump urged voters to pretend he was on the ballot and vote to ensure a “booming Iowa economy.”

“If you get out and vote like you did in 2024, we win in a landslide, you know, we win in a landslide,” he said

Even as the president boasts of America’s golden age, with an economy envied by the world, he also makes clear he understands the challenges people are facing. At most every stop along the way of his red-state October blitz, he has offered sweeteners to voters if they stick with Republican candidates.

From $8 billion in new aid to farmers announced in Kansas to promises of building the nation’s largest steel plant in eastern Iowa to a commitment he made in Nebraska to temporarily ease diesel costs, Trump has made a series of pledges that follow his offer of giving every adult American $5,000 if Republicans retain their grip on Washington. The promises are barely even repeated by GOP candidates, who know they ring hollow with many voters.

Democrats acknowledge the uphill climb for winning all of the narrowly divided Senate races across the Midwest, particularly given their own brand and favorability challenges. But Republican officials wonder whether Trump’s extensive travels to many of these states will backfire on down-ballot races.

“When our leader, the president himself, does things that make me cringe, that’s difficult to tell people to vote for me,” said Jim Howell, a Republican member of the Sedgwick County Board of Commissioners in Wichita, who is also on the November ballot. “I really wish we had leaders that don’t make us cringe, but help us consider a way to come together.”

A question hanging over the final week of the race is whether Trump’s relentless campaigning has awakened Republican voters to rally to his aid one last time in hopes of closing an enthusiasm gap. Iowa could be a place to watch, given Trump’s long history of winning there and his decision to hold two rallies in opposite corners of the state in the homestretch.

But the president’s approach, a little more than one week from Election Day, has been to double down on the policies that have led many voters to sour on his second term.

In Trump’s Sunday trip to Michigan, he’ll hold a rally at Port Huron — on the Canadian border. It will put on display his tariff battle with the United States’ northern neighbor, even though the party’s Senate nominee, former Rep. Mike Rogers, has attempted to break with Trump over the tariffs.

“Here in Michigan, we know that Canada is not our enemy. We need to end this tariff war — now,” Rogers said in a television ad his campaign launched this month.

The GOP’s best hope might be to lean into the cultural battles that have helped them win over White, rural, working-class voters in recent elections. In Michigan, both Trump and Rogers have attempted to brand the Democratic nominee, El-Sayed, as supportive of extremist Islamist interests.

But Democrats are fighting back. El-Sayed in recent days began airing an ad that features clips of Republicans and conservative media figures, including Fox News hosts, saying nice or helpful things about him and his campaign.

Before those clips play, he lists issues where he suggests common cause with some in the MAGA movement, such as releasing the Jeffrey Epstein files and combatting Washington corruption.

Ohio is another headache for Republicans. The party’s nominee for governor, Vivek Ramaswamy, faced sharp criticism from the man he is running to replace, two-term GOP Gov. Mike DeWine, for airing a controversial advertisement featuring the mother of his Democratic opponent, Amy Acton.

Both Ramaswamy and the president have dug in, defending the ad — and in doing so have turned the race into a test of whether voters will accept Trumpian tactics from candidates who are not Trump.

And what’s receded from the forefront is the issue Ohio voters who spoke with CNN in recent days — including Republicans who support Ramaswamy — said is responsible for the state’s sudden competitiveness: the cost of living.

“We all have to get gas. I have to go get gas right now in my car, and that’s difficult,” said Sheri Vorherr, a 55-year-old mother of five from Loveland who volunteered at a Ramaswamy rally in Cincinnati on Wednesday. She said she helps her oldest daughter buy groceries each week and sees the economic pinch brought on by inflation.

“I don’t think it’s an easy fix. I think it’s things that are going to take time,” she said. “I do believe Trump is trying to do that — it’s just taking a lot longer.”

CNN’s Phil Mattingly contributed to this report.

美国六旗乐园过山车夺命事故后 宣布增设安全带加强防护

2026年10月25日 14:08

https://news-multimedia-1393112320.cos.ap-guangzhou.myqcloud.com/e71bbb0b76bc2a2fcc79eb07921ec60606ec8d6511b6346f52e2f094466b8c06

美国佐治亚州六旗乐园的“歌利亚”过山车10月14日发生事故后，列车停在轨道上，乘客已被疏散。 （法新社）

美国六旗游乐园（Six Flags）发生过山车乘客坠落身亡事故后，宣布将在旗下部分过山车增设安全带，并对所有游乐设施展开安全检查，以加强乘客安全。

《纽约时报》报道，六旗娱乐公司星期五（10月23日）宣布这项措施。公司总裁赖利（John Reilly）说，各乐园已聘请独立工程师和检查人员，全面评估游乐设施安全，并将根据检查结果采取进一步行动，强化安全标准。

本月早些时候，42岁男子卡里姆（Hassan Jihad Ibn Kariem）在佐治亚州奥斯特尔的六旗乐园乘坐名为“歌利亚”（Goliath）的过山车时，被抛出座位，随后证实死亡。

“歌利亚”是佐治亚州最高的过山车，原本采用压在乘客大腿上方的蛤壳式安全压杆。事故发生后，设施暂时关闭，并将在重新开放前加装安全带。

佐治亚州当局及科布县警方正调查这起事故。这座过山车今年3月16日通过最近一次州级安全检查。不过，美国目前没有单一联邦机构负责监管这类游乐设施的安全标准。

除“歌利亚”外，新泽西州六旗大冒险乐园的“Nitro”和伊利诺伊州六旗大美国乐园的“Raging Bull”过山车，也将增设安全带。另有五座乐园的八项游乐设施暂时关闭。

六旗近期接连面对安全争议。今年9月，三名乘客指控在加利福尼亚州六旗魔术山乐园乘坐“X2”过山车后，遭受严重脑损伤，并起诉六旗及相关制造商，指设施设计存在缺陷，也未充分警告乘客受伤风险。

六旗随后宣布永久关闭“X2”过山车。

沙特利雅得机场部分恢复运营

发布/2026年10月25日 15:24

https://news-multimedia-1393112320.cos.ap-guangzhou.myqcloud.com/d1478e204da24d70b8a946bf511d9d017c4cb5490a821162a658cb768a919638

位于沙特阿拉伯首都利雅得的哈立德国王国际机场星期六（10月24日）说，机场自星期天（25日）起部分恢复运营。 （法新社档案照片）

沙特阿拉伯的哈立德国王国际机场发布旅客提醒说，机场自星期天（10月25日）起部分恢复运营。

新华社报道，位于首都利雅得的哈立德国王国际机场星期六（24日）晚发布旅客提醒说，机场1号航站楼将用于国内航班，2号航站楼将用于沙特国家航空公司执飞的国际航班。

机场提醒已确认预订的旅客，在前往机场前与所乘航空公司联系，核实预订及航班状态。

也门胡塞武装近期多次袭击哈立德国王国际机场。沙特民航总局10日宣布，机场因遭袭暂停运营。

沙特主导的多国联军发言人马利基星期四（15日）说，胡塞武装自10月以来对哈立德国王国际机场的袭击共造成17人死亡、333人受伤。