经济困境将美国中西部变成中期选举的巨大战场


2026-10-25T04:00:15.456Z / 美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)
辛辛那提讯——

随着对高物价的不满情绪日益高涨,以及公众对唐纳德·特朗普总统是否愿意改变国家发展轨迹的怀疑加深,民主党可能在美国心脏地带迎来复兴,这股势头正威胁着共和党对工薪阶层选民的掌控。

特朗普时代开启十年后,他最初将中西部政治战场转变为共和党稳稳拿下的各州,而其第二任期的政策余波已波及大平原地区和铁锈地带的农业及更广泛经济领域。

自前总统巴拉克·奥巴马参加总统选举以来一直缺乏竞争力的艾奥瓦州和俄亥俄州,如今已成为关键战场。甚至堪萨斯州、内布拉斯加州和印第安纳州这些传统的共和党“红州”也未能幸免。这种转变体现在从国会众议院、参议院到州长选举的各级别竞选中,中西部各州几乎都陷入了激烈角逐。

从春季播种到秋季收割,特朗普与伊朗的战争引发的焦虑,以及其贸易战造成的后果,已升级为广泛的担忧。

在该地区的采访中,选民们指出汽油和柴油价格飞涨,以及食品杂货价格和利率高企的问题。反复无常的关税政策迫使农民为化肥支付更多费用,而一些制造商因进口零部件成本上涨而开始裁员。特朗普允许进口牛肉的决定让牧场主们怒不可遏,而针对医疗保健和补助项目的削减也进一步加剧了民生压力。

振兴美国制造业的承诺至今仍未兑现。甚至早在伊朗战争推高成本之前,这些战场州中的好几个州就已出现财政衰退。

例如,美国商务部经济分析局的数据显示,2025年艾奥瓦州的经济年增长率为全国最低,这对掌控州政府超过十年的共和党来说无异于沉重打击。

“农业领域的所有人都已身心俱疲,这么说应该最贴切。他们只是感到很累,”艾奥瓦玉米种植者协会主席、农民史蒂夫·库珀告诉CNN,“他们现在感觉非常受挫,士气低落。”

所有这些问题都催生了民众对变革的渴望,并为民主党候选人创造了机遇。

“总统做出的降低物价、不发动新的对外战争、兑现其经济主张等诸多承诺,都未能实现,”印第安纳州最著名的民主党政治家族的第三代传人博·贝说。如果他能赢得州务卿职位的竞选,他将成为该党14年来首位在印第安纳州赢得全州性选举的成员。

特朗普比任何一位总统都更清楚,中期选举是执政党表现的一面镜子和一次全民公投。2018年他就经历过这样的情况,当时共和党掌控着参议院多数席位,却输掉了众议院的多数席位——其中包括艾奥瓦州的3个席位。共和党官员告诉CNN,他们担心这种情况会重演。

两党的行程安排也反映了这一态势:特朗普在持续一个月的竞选攻势中先后访问了俄亥俄州、堪萨斯州、内布拉斯加州和艾奥瓦州之后,将于周日前往密歇根州。而奥巴马则在周六前往密歇根州和俄亥俄州,为他曾两次赢得的两个州的候选人造势。

民调显示,选民们愿意惩罚华盛顿的执政党共和党,尽管他们对民主党的支持率也不高。

“这并非是他们对民主党有多满意,只是他们实在、实在是怒不可遏,”前艾奥瓦州州长、民主党人汤姆·维尔萨克告诉CNN,“他们想要传递出失望的信号。当你对某人感到不满时,你会想办法表达这种情绪。你不会默默接受,而是会发出信号。”

曾在奥巴马政府中担任两届农业部长的维尔萨克表示,农业和制造业领域的经济挫折早在特朗普时代之前就已开始加剧,但他认为特朗普在三次竞选期间做出的承诺,尤其是两年前承诺降低物价的说法,正是愤怒情绪的导火索。

“他让人们相信情况会彻底好转,”维尔萨克说,“人们理解为他会让好日子重现。但他没有做到。”

前明尼苏达州州长蒂姆·波尔蒂是共和党上一位连任该职位的州长,他表示,特朗普最好谈论物价上涨的问题以及他计划如何改变方向。

“这将是一股蓝色浪潮(指民主党大胜),”波尔蒂告诉CNN,“我们只是不确定它的规模会有多大,是势不可挡,还是只是小试牛刀。”

他表示,众议院几乎肯定会落入共和党控制之外,但补充道:“共和党在此次选举中保住参议院的机会是挽救局面的关键,这确实是一个现实可能性。”

参众两院胜负难分

在艾奥瓦州和俄亥俄州,民主党有机会赢得参议院席位,这对他们争取夺回多数席位所需的净增4个席位至关重要——这一目标在2018年未能实现。他们在这两个州的州长选举中获胜的概率甚至更高,可能会为该党在共和党掌控行政、立法和司法三权的州议会中赢得一席之地。

但民主党的复兴可能还不止于此。大型教堂牧师亚当·汉密尔顿的参选让共和党在堪萨斯州保住参议员罗杰·马歇尔的席位压力陡增。无党派候选人丹·奥斯本已争取到民主党的支持,这给共和党参议员皮特·里基茨寻求连任的竞选带来了变数,他在2026年将迎来第二次选举。

此外,中西部还有大量共和党掌控的众议院席位处于竞争状态。民主党相信他们可以在艾奥瓦州和俄亥俄州各赢下多达3个共和党席位,在密歇根州再赢4个席位。该党还将内布拉斯加州一个以奥马哈为基地的选区和威斯康星州东南部漂移区的一个选区作为目标。如果选举对民主党极为有利,内布拉斯加州的另一个众议院席位,以及印第安纳州和堪萨斯州各一个席位,可能也会比两党在2026年选举周期初期预期的更具竞争力。

共和党并不承认这些席位的任何失利。他们认为,自己在上中西部地区的防御正面临民主党施压——尤其是在密歇根州,进步派前公共卫生官员阿卜杜勒·埃尔-赛义德正与共和党前众议员迈克·罗杰斯展开一场耗资巨大且激烈的参议院竞选。

https://cnn.com/video/weather/2026/10/23/michigan-senate-candidates-black-voters-intv-vstop.cnn

周四在艾奥瓦州苏城发表讲话时,特朗普敦促选民假装他本人出现在选票上,并投票确保“艾奥瓦州经济繁荣发展”。

“只要你像2024年那样出门投票,我们就能以压倒性优势获胜,你知道,我们能以压倒性优势获胜,”他说。

尽管总统一直在吹嘘美国拥有令世界羡慕的黄金时代经济,但他也明确表示理解民众面临的挑战。在他红色州十月竞选行程的每一站,他都向选民承诺了好处,只要他们继续支持共和党候选人。

从在堪萨斯州宣布为农民提供80亿美元新援助,到承诺在艾奥瓦州东部建设全国最大的钢铁厂,再到在内布拉斯加州承诺暂时降低柴油成本,特朗普推出了一系列承诺,此前他还提出如果共和党掌控华盛顿,将为每位美国成年人提供5000美元的奖励。这些承诺几乎没有得到共和党候选人的回应,因为他们知道许多选民已经对这些承诺感到麻木。

民主党承认,要赢得中西部所有竞争激烈的参议院席位难度很大,尤其是考虑到该党自身的品牌和支持率挑战。但共和党官员担心,特朗普对这些州的频繁竞选是否会对下级选举产生反作用。

“当我们的领袖、总统本人做出让我感到尴尬的事情时,我很难说服人们投票给我,”威奇托塞奇威克县委员会委员吉姆·豪厄尔说,他也参加了11月的选举。“我真希望我们的领袖不会让我们尴尬,而是帮助我们找到一个团结的方式。”

选举最后一周面临的一个问题是,特朗普不知疲倦的竞选是否会唤醒共和党选民,让他们最后一次站出来,试图缩小支持率差距。艾奥瓦州值得关注,因为特朗普长期以来在该州屡战屡胜,并且决定在选举最后阶段在该州两个对立角落举办两场集会。

但距离选举日还有一周多一点时间,总统的策略是加倍推行那些让许多选民对他第二任期感到失望的政策。

在特朗普周日前往密歇根州的行程中,他将在位于加拿大边境的休伦港举办一场集会。这将展示他与美国北部邻国的关税战,尽管该党参议院提名人、前众议员迈克·罗杰斯试图在关税问题上与特朗普划清界限。

“在密歇根州,我们知道加拿大不是我们的敌人。我们需要结束这场关税战——现在就结束,”罗杰斯在本月竞选团队发布的一段电视广告中说。

共和党最大的希望可能是依靠文化斗争,这些斗争帮助他们在近年来赢得了白人选民、农村和工薪阶层的支持。在密歇根州,特朗普和罗杰斯都试图将民主党提名人埃尔-赛义德描绘成支持极端伊斯兰主义利益的人。

但民主党正在反击。埃尔-赛义德最近几天开始投放一段广告,其中穿插了共和党人和保守派媒体人物(包括福克斯新闻主持人)对他和他的竞选团队表示认可或提供帮助的片段。

在播放这些片段之前,他列举了一些与“让美国再次伟大”(MAGA)运动部分成员有共同诉求的议题,比如公布杰弗里·爱泼斯坦案件的文件,打击华盛顿的腐败现象。

俄亥俄州是共和党的另一个难题。该州州长候选人维韦克·拉马斯瓦米因播出一段争议广告而受到他试图取代的时任州长、两届共和党州长迈克·德瓦因的严厉批评,该广告内容涉及他民主党对手艾米·阿克顿的母亲。

拉马斯瓦米和总统都坚称该广告合理,此举将选举变成了一场考验,看选民是否会接受来自非特朗普候选人的特朗普式竞选策略。

而从焦点中淡出的是,最近几天与CNN交谈过的俄亥俄州选民——包括支持拉马斯瓦米的共和党人——表示,该州突然陷入竞争的原因是生活成本问题。

“我们所有人都得加油。我现在就得去给我的车加油,这很麻烦,”来自洛弗兰的55岁母亲谢丽·沃赫尔说,她周三在辛辛那提的一场拉马斯瓦米集会上做志愿者。她表示,她每周帮助大女儿购买食品杂货,能感受到通胀带来的经济压力。

“我觉得这不是一个容易解决的问题。我认为这些事情需要时间,”她说,“我确实相信特朗普正在努力解决这个问题——只是需要更长的时间。”

CNN的菲尔·马丁对本文亦有贡献。

Economic woes transform the Midwest into a massive midterms battleground

2026-10-25T04:00:15.456Z / CNN

Cincinnati—

Democrats could be poised for a revival in the heartland, as furor over high costs and doubt about President Donald Trump’s willingness to change the nation’s trajectory threaten to loosen the GOP’s grip on working-class voters.

A decade after the Trump era began, when he first turned Midwestern political battlegrounds into reliably Republican states, the fallout from policies of his second term have rippled through the agriculture sector and broader economies across the Great Plains and the Rust Belt.

Iowa and Ohio, which have not been competitive since former President Barack Obama was on the ballot, are in play. And ruby-red states like Kansas, Nebraska and Indiana are not exempt. The shift is happening up and down the ballot, with tight contests for the House, Senate and governor blanketing the middle of the country.

From spring planting to fall harvest, anxiety over Trump’s war with Iran and the fallout from his trade battles has turned into alarm.

In conversations across the region, voters point to the soaring cost of gas and diesel, as well as high grocery prices and interest rates. A whipsaw tariff policy has forced farmers to pay more for fertilizer, while some manufacturers, footing higher bills for imported components, have laid off workers. Trump’s decision to allow imported beef has infuriated ranchers. And spending cuts targeting healthcare and grant programs have caused further strain.

Promises to revitalize the nation’s manufacturing sector remain unfulfilled. And even before the Iran war sent costs soaring, several of these battleground states were in fiscal decline.

Iowa, for example, recorded the weakest annual growth rate in the country in 2025, according to the federal Bureau of Economic Analysis, a searing indictment for Republicans who have had control of state government for more than a decade.

“I think everybody in agriculture is tired, would be the best way to put it. They’re just tired,” Steve Kuiper, a farmer and president of the Iowa Corn Growers Association, told CNN. “They feel very beat up right now, demoralized.”

It has all fueled a hunger for change — and created an opening for Democratic candidates.

“A lot of the promises the president made to bring costs down, to not start new foreign wars, to deliver on his economic message, have not come to fruition,” said Beau Bayh, the third-generation scion of Indiana’s most famous Democratic political family. If he wins his race for secretary of state, he’d be the first member of his party to win statewide in Indiana in 14 years.

Trump knows better than most presidents that midterm elections are a reflection — and referendum — on the party in power. He experienced it in 2018, when Republicans held control of the Senate but lost their majority in the House — including three seats in Iowa. GOP officials tell CNN they fear a repeat of that scenario.

The travel plans of both parties tell the tale, with Trump set to visit Michigan on Sunday after making stops in Ohio, Kansas, Nebraska and Iowa in a monthlong campaign blitz. Obama traveled to Michigan and Ohio on Saturday, rallying support in two states he once won.

Polls suggest voters are willing to punish the Republicans in power in Washington, even though they also hold dim views of the Democratic brand.

“It’s not that they’ve been overwhelmed by the Democratic Party, it’s just that they’re really, really pissed off,” Tom Vilsack, a Democratic former Iowa governor, told CNN. “They want to send a message of disappointment. When you’re upset with someone, you want to find a way to send a message. You don’t swallow it, you send that message.”

Vilsack, who served two terms as agriculture secretary in the Obama administration, said economic frustrations across the agriculture and manufacturing sectors have been rising long before the Trump era. But he said the promises Trump made during his three campaigns, particularly when he pledged to bring prices down only two years ago, are feeding the anger.

“He builds up the hope that it’s going to be fundamentally different,” Vilsack said. “That was interpreted that he’s going to bring back the good times. He failed to do that.”

Former Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty, who was the last Republican to win that office in his reelection two decades ago, said Trump would be better off talking about rising costs and how he intends to change course.

“It’s going to be a blue wave,” Pawlenty told CNN. “We just don’t know if it’s knee-deep, waist-deep, or going to hit us right in the face.”

The House is all but certain to fall from GOP control, he said, but added: “The real chance for Republicans to salvage something out of this is to hang on to the Senate and that’s a real possibility.”

House and Senate in the balance

In Iowa and Ohio, Democrats have a shot at winning Senate races that are crucial to the net four-seat gain they need to claim a majority — a goal that eluded them in 2018. Their odds look even better in those states’ governor’s races, potentially giving the party a foothold in statehouses where Republicans have trifectas: control of the executive, legislative and judicial branches.

But the Democratic revival could extend even further. Megachurch pastor Adam Hamilton has the GOP scrambling to save the seat of Sen. Roger Marshall in Kansas. An independent candidate, Dan Osborn, has rallied Democratic support and thrown a curveball into Republican Sen. Pete Ricketts’ bid for a second term in Nebraska.

And a slew of House seats across the Midwest held by Republicans are in play. Democrats believe they could win as many as three GOP-held seats each in Iowa and Ohio, plus potentially four more in Michigan. The party is also targeting an Omaha-based district in Nebraska and one in southeastern Wisconsin’s Driftless Area. If the election breaks in Democrats’ favor in a big way, another House seat in Nebraska, as well as one seat each in Indiana and Kansas, could also prove to be much more competitive than either party expected early in the 2026 election cycle.

Republicans aren’t conceding any of those races. And they believe they have Democrats on defense in the Upper Midwest — particularly Michigan, where progressive former public health official Abdul El-Sayed is locked in an expensive and bitter Senate race against Republican former Rep. Mike Rogers.

https://cnn.com/video/weather/2026/10/23/michigan-senate-candidates-black-voters-intv-vstop.cnn

Speaking in Sioux City, Iowa, on Thursday, Trump urged voters to pretend he was on the ballot and vote to ensure a “booming Iowa economy.”

“If you get out and vote like you did in 2024, we win in a landslide, you know, we win in a landslide,” he said

Even as the president boasts of America’s golden age, with an economy envied by the world, he also makes clear he understands the challenges people are facing. At most every stop along the way of his red-state October blitz, he has offered sweeteners to voters if they stick with Republican candidates.

From $8 billion in new aid to farmers announced in Kansas to promises of building the nation’s largest steel plant in eastern Iowa to a commitment he made in Nebraska to temporarily ease diesel costs, Trump has made a series of pledges that follow his offer of giving every adult American $5,000 if Republicans retain their grip on Washington. The promises are barely even repeated by GOP candidates, who know they ring hollow with many voters.

Democrats acknowledge the uphill climb for winning all of the narrowly divided Senate races across the Midwest, particularly given their own brand and favorability challenges. But Republican officials wonder whether Trump’s extensive travels to many of these states will backfire on down-ballot races.

“When our leader, the president himself, does things that make me cringe, that’s difficult to tell people to vote for me,” said Jim Howell, a Republican member of the Sedgwick County Board of Commissioners in Wichita, who is also on the November ballot. “I really wish we had leaders that don’t make us cringe, but help us consider a way to come together.”

A question hanging over the final week of the race is whether Trump’s relentless campaigning has awakened Republican voters to rally to his aid one last time in hopes of closing an enthusiasm gap. Iowa could be a place to watch, given Trump’s long history of winning there and his decision to hold two rallies in opposite corners of the state in the homestretch.

But the president’s approach, a little more than one week from Election Day, has been to double down on the policies that have led many voters to sour on his second term.

In Trump’s Sunday trip to Michigan, he’ll hold a rally at Port Huron — on the Canadian border. It will put on display his tariff battle with the United States’ northern neighbor, even though the party’s Senate nominee, former Rep. Mike Rogers, has attempted to break with Trump over the tariffs.

“Here in Michigan, we know that Canada is not our enemy. We need to end this tariff war — now,” Rogers said in a television ad his campaign launched this month.

The GOP’s best hope might be to lean into the cultural battles that have helped them win over White, rural, working-class voters in recent elections. In Michigan, both Trump and Rogers have attempted to brand the Democratic nominee, El-Sayed, as supportive of extremist Islamist interests.

But Democrats are fighting back. El-Sayed in recent days began airing an ad that features clips of Republicans and conservative media figures, including Fox News hosts, saying nice or helpful things about him and his campaign.

Before those clips play, he lists issues where he suggests common cause with some in the MAGA movement, such as releasing the Jeffrey Epstein files and combatting Washington corruption.

Ohio is another headache for Republicans. The party’s nominee for governor, Vivek Ramaswamy, faced sharp criticism from the man he is running to replace, two-term GOP Gov. Mike DeWine, for airing a controversial advertisement featuring the mother of his Democratic opponent, Amy Acton.

Both Ramaswamy and the president have dug in, defending the ad — and in doing so have turned the race into a test of whether voters will accept Trumpian tactics from candidates who are not Trump.

And what’s receded from the forefront is the issue Ohio voters who spoke with CNN in recent days — including Republicans who support Ramaswamy — said is responsible for the state’s sudden competitiveness: the cost of living.

“We all have to get gas. I have to go get gas right now in my car, and that’s difficult,” said Sheri Vorherr, a 55-year-old mother of five from Loveland who volunteered at a Ramaswamy rally in Cincinnati on Wednesday. She said she helps her oldest daughter buy groceries each week and sees the economic pinch brought on by inflation.

“I don’t think it’s an easy fix. I think it’s things that are going to take time,” she said. “I do believe Trump is trying to do that — it’s just taking a lot longer.”

CNN’s Phil Mattingly contributed to this report.

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