2026-08-19T10:03:46.868Z / 路透社
- 摘要
- 路透社调查发现，在为期一年的部署期间，国民警卫队仅在极小比例（1.3%）的刑事起诉案件中被提及
- 特朗普政府预计，截至2029年向华盛顿部署军队的总成本将达14亿美元
- 士兵们主要在更富裕、白人占比更高的区域处置事件，却未出现在该市82%谋杀案发生的社区
华盛顿，8月19日（路透社）——今年春天的某个深夜，三名警察驱车来到一家夜总会，当时一名男子正在踩踏躺在人行道上的年轻女子。
据警方报告，警察制止了袭击并将该男子逮捕。这类袭击案几乎在任何城市的任何夜晚都可能发生。
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但撰写这份报告的泽维尔·希门尼斯警官注意到一个细节：“该区域当时有约15名国民警卫队成员在例行巡逻，但他们未采取任何行动。”
去年夏天，唐纳德·特朗普总统向华盛顿部署了数千名国民警卫队士兵，将其作为他所谓的“毫无保留地打击犯罪”行动的核心举措，尤其针对由民主党人执政的城市。每天都有小股身着迷彩服和防弹衣的士兵在美国首都游客密集的区域巡逻，包括国家纪念碑、地铁站和职业棒球场周边地区。
但路透社发现，这些士兵极少参与打击犯罪活动。
自去年8月部署以来，特朗普下令派驻华盛顿的国民警卫队士兵仅在哥伦比亚特区高等法院提交的刑事案件中占极小比例——约1.3%。该法院负责处理该市几乎所有的刑事起诉案件。在数十起案件中，士兵并非实施逮捕的一方，而是犯罪受害者。
目前部署在华盛顿的约4500名士兵数量超过了该市3200名警察，且成本更高：特朗普政府去年向国会报告称，在今年夏天增兵前，向首都派遣警卫队士兵的每日花费约为165万美元。该市最近的警察预算约为每日150万美元。
政府向国会表示，计划继续向华盛顿派遣士兵——虽未说明具体人数——直至特朗普2029年总统任期结束，总成本将达14亿美元。
为评估此次部署的影响，路透社审查了哥伦比亚特区高等法院公开的所有起诉书，并采访了熟悉其工作的律师、居民、士兵及其他相关人员。
路透社将法院记录与该市人口统计数据和犯罪信息进行对比后发现，士兵们主要在比首都其他区域更富裕、白人占比更高且治安更好的社区处置轻微事件。在过去五年该市859起谋杀案中，约82%发生的社区，路透社在法院记录中未找到士兵参与任何执法行动的相关记载。
白宫未回应有关士兵工作的提问。发言人劳伦·比斯称，特朗普在该市的行动“降低了犯罪率、美化了城市，并为无数民众改善了生活质量”。
华盛顿特区市长穆里尔·鲍尔曾称此次部署“存在问题”，她拒绝置评，该市警察局也同样如此。
负责华盛顿部署行动的国民警卫队特遣部队未回应有关其工作或成本的问题。发言人利昂娜·亨德里克森称，士兵们太忙，无法接受采访。
尽管士兵们有时会制止斗殴或袭击事件，但他们拘留人员的许多罪行都属于轻微违法行为。去年10月，士兵们追捕了一名拿走两片披萨仅支付2美元部分款项的男子。一周后，他们拦下了一名向公交车扔石头的男子。今年4月，他们拘留了一名据称从药店偷走价值约7美元的两根牛肉干的男子。上个月，六名士兵控制了一名未付钱就喝了一瓶根汁汽水的女子。
住在海军 Yard 社区的威廉·扬牧师在被问及这些士兵是否让他感到更安全时笑了。“这只会让我们所有人都心生恐惧，”他说，“这不是一个民主国家首都保护街道的应有方式，靠士兵游行来保卫街道。”
“他们本可以做得更多”
路透社发现，华盛顿有217起刑事案件提到国民警卫队的参与。其中约四分之一，即62起案件中，士兵独自制止了涉嫌犯罪的人员，通常是因为商店行窃或跳闸机逃地铁票等行为。另有43起案件中，士兵协助警察逮捕嫌疑人。
社区团体获取的视频也显示，夜间有20人或更多的部队驻扎在地铁站外，阻止青少年乘坐自动扶梯，以执行该市的宵禁规定。
“他们就像从全国各地召集来这里的人，而且他们骚扰民众的次数远比实际执行警务工作多，”联合圣殿浸信会牧师诺曼·尼克松说。
尽管根据政府记录，警卫队成员已被任命为美国法警，但他们的执法权力有限。国防部将他们的工作描述为“存在性巡逻”，即通过展示武力来威慑犯罪，而非响应犯罪事件。他们可以拘留嫌疑人，但随后必须呼叫警察进行正式逮捕。
法院记录显示，有35起案件中，士兵作为犯罪目击者，有时只是旁观直至警察抵达。他们曾向警方举报过一起毒品交易、一名在公共场所小便的男子、一名向地铁警察露阴的男子，以及两名在该市火车站外的纪念碑上用粉笔涂鸦的男子，其中一人穿着香蕉造型的服装。
伊夫林·琼斯想知道，士兵们本可以为她的侄子基翁·琼斯做些什么。今年4月，基翁在该市海滨一家热门酒店和餐厅街附近被刺死。
士兵们发现琼斯在斗殴后失去意识后拨打了急救电话。他们后来告诉警方，他们以为琼斯只是喝醉了。直到警察赶到现场后，他们才意识到琼斯伤势严重，肠子都流了出来。约两小时后，他在医院去世。
“他们本可以为他做更多事情，”他的姑姑说。
士兵们自己也常常成为受害者。去年，两名来自西弗吉尼亚州的士兵在白宫附近遇袭，其中一人身亡，这一事实凸显了这一点。
路透社发现，有62起案件中，有人因推搡、殴打或威胁士兵而被起诉。九人被指控向士兵吐痰。一名男子据称在士兵因在地铁站偷棒球帽试图逮捕他时，试图抢夺士兵的手枪。另一名男子被指控告诉一群士兵，他想“用火箭筒打穿你们的蛋蛋”，据警方报告称。
还有两次，华盛顿警方逮捕了休班士兵违反该市枪支法律的行为，但美国检察官办公室撤销了对两人的指控。
今年夏天，他们承担了一项新任务：守卫林肯纪念堂倒影池。特朗普政府花费数百万美元翻新该水池，结果却因衬里剥落导致水池长满绿藻。特朗普声称水池遭到了破坏者的蓄意破坏。但哥伦比亚特区美国检察官珍妮宁·皮尔罗最终承认，一名政府承包商“搞砸了”这项工作。
巡逻更安全的社区
美国长期以来一直使用国民警卫队士兵应对灾难、协助安保超级碗等重大活动，偶尔平息骚乱，但从未将其用于日常打击犯罪。特朗普还授权在孟菲斯和新奥尔良进行小规模部署，并曾考虑向其他城市派遣士兵。
“你不会希望武装士兵出现在美国街头，”2012年退休的国民警卫队局副局长兰迪·曼纳将军说。他表示，士兵们并未做好警务工作的准备，且成本比雇佣更多警察更高。
确定士兵对华盛顿犯罪率的影响并非易事。除了士兵，特朗普政府还向该市派遣了数百名额外的联邦特工，他们在很大程度上扮演着当地警察的角色。
华盛顿的谋杀案已连续第三年下降。但在政府未派遣士兵或额外联邦特工的城市，凶杀案数量也有所下降。今年1月至8月中旬，该市警方报告的暴力犯罪总数——除凶杀案外还包括严重袭击、抢劫和性犯罪——较去年小幅上升，约4%。
无党派组织尼斯坎南中心5月的一项研究发现，向华盛顿派遣士兵导致汽车盗窃案减少，但对暴力犯罪没有影响。
支持特朗普的传统基金会高级研究员查尔斯·斯蒂姆森表示，士兵们的存在起到了威慑作用。“当你超速时看到警察，就会减速，”他说，“如果这些国民警卫队明天突然消失，犯罪率就会上升。”
路透社对法院记录的审查发现，几乎没有证据表明士兵出现在高犯罪率社区，而那里本应是他们应对更严重犯罪的区域。
相反，法院记录显示，士兵们更有可能在收入更高、更多人拥有大学学历且白人占比更高的城市社区的逮捕记录中被提及。士兵参与的大多数逮捕行动要么发生在市中心核心区域，要么在地铁站附近。
路透社利用法院记录中的事件地点，确定了士兵协助警方或寻求警方帮助的区域，然后将这些社区与城市其他区域进行了对比。这并未涵盖士兵可能被派往但未与执法部门互动的地方。但这表明，他们的部署并非旨在平息过去几年肆虐该市部分地区的暴力犯罪。
萨利姆·阿多福是阿纳科斯蒂亚协调委员会的外联协调员，该非营利组织在该市一个低收入社区开展工作。他表示，这与他的经历相符。
“我一整年都没见过他们，”他说。
布拉德·希思报道；克雷格·廷伯格和苏珊娜·戈登伯格编辑
布拉德·希思是华盛顿的企业记者，专注于执法、刑事司法以及利用数据了解政府动向。他毕业于乔治敦大学法学院，拥有弗吉尼亚州律师资格。
Trump put thousands of soldiers on Washington’s streets. They seldom stop crime
2026-08-19T10:03:46.868Z / Reuters
- Reuters found the Guard mentioned in only a tiny fraction — 1.3% — of criminal prosecutions in a year-long deployment
- Trump administration projects that sending troops to Washington will cost $1.4 billion through 2029
- Soldiers mostly responded to incidents in wealthier, whiter areas and were absent from neighborhoods where 82% of murders take place
WASHINGTON, Aug 19 (Reuters) – Well past midnight one day this spring, three police officers pulled up to a nightclub where a man was stomping on a young woman lying on the sidewalk.
The officers stopped the attack and arrested him, according to a police report. It was the kind of assault police might encounter on almost any night in almost any city.
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But one detail stood out to police officer Xavier Jimenez, who wrote the report: “There was approximately 15 national guard members in the area on routine patrol who did not take any action.”
President Donald Trump deployed thousands of National Guard troops to Washington last summer as the centerpiece of what he describes as a no-holds-barred effort to combat crime, especially in cities run by Democrats. Every day, small clots of soldiers in camouflage and body armor patrol tourist-heavy areas of the U.S. capital, including national monuments, subway stations and the area around its professional baseball park.
What the soldiers seldom do, Reuters found, is fight crime.
Since their arrival last August, the National Guard soldiers Trump ordered to Washington have been mentioned in only a tiny fraction — about 1.3% — of the criminal cases filed in the Superior Court of the District of Columbia, which handles nearly all the city’s criminal prosecutions. In dozens of cases, the soldiers appear not as people making the arrests but as victims of crime.
The roughly 4,500 soldiers currently deployed to Washington outnumber its
3,200 police officers. And they cost more: The Trump administration last year told Congress that sending guardsmen to the capital cost about $1.65 million a day – before officials doubled the number of troops this summer. The city’s most recent police budget was about $1.5 million daily.
The administration told Congress it plans to keep sending soldiers to Washington – though it has not said how many – until the end of Trump’s presidency in 2029 at a cost of $1.4 billion.
To gauge the impact of that deployment, Reuters reviewed every publicly available charging document filed in Superior Court and interviewed lawyers, residents, service members and others who are familiar with their work.
The soldiers mostly responded to minor incidents in neighborhoods that are wealthier, whiter and less dangerous than the rest of the capital, Reuters found after comparing court records to the city’s demographics and crime information. Reuters could find no reference in court records to soldiers doing any kind of law enforcement in the neighborhoods where about 82% of the city’s 859 murders occurred over the past five years.
The White House did not respond to questions about soldiers’ work. Spokeswoman Lauren Bis said Trump’s efforts in the city have “driven down crime, beautified the city, and improved quality of life for countless individuals.”
D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser, who has called the deployment “problematic,” declined to comment, as did the city’s police department.
The National Guard taskforce managing the Washington deployment did not respond to questions about its work or its cost. A spokeswoman, Leona Hendrickson, said soldiers were too busy to be interviewed.
Although soldiers have sometimes broken up fights or assaults, many of the crimes for which they detained people have been minor. In October, soldiers chased down a man who had taken two slices of pizza and offered $2 as partial payment, according to police records. A week later, they stopped a man who threw a rock at a bus. In April, they detained a man who allegedly stole two beef jerky sticks worth about $7 from a pharmacy, according to the report. Last month, six soldiers held a woman who drank a bottle of root beer without paying.
The Rev. William Young, who lives in the Navy Yard neighborhood where soldiers patrol frequently, laughed when asked whether the troops made him feel safer. “It’s a way of keeping fear in all of us,” he said. “This is not how a capital of democracy should be protected, by having soldiers marching to protect the streets.”
‘THEY COULD HAVE DONE MORE’
Reuters found 217 criminal cases in Washington in which police mentioned the involvement of the National Guard. In about a quarter of them, 62 cases, soldiers single-handedly stopped people suspected of a crime, often for things like shoplifting or jumping turnstiles to avoid paying subway fare. In another 43 cases, soldiers helped police officers arrest someone.
Videos obtained by community groups also show troops in groups of 20 or more stationed outside subway stations at night, blocking teens from descending the escalators to enforce a city curfew.
“It’s like they brought people here from all across the country, just to be here. And they harass people a lot more than they are actually doing police work,” said the Rev. Norman Nixon, the pastor of the Union Temple Baptist Church.
Although the guardsmen have been deputized as U.S. Marshals, according to government records, they have limited law-enforcement power. The Defense Department has described their work as “presence patrols,” a show of force meant to deter crime rather than respond to it. They can detain suspects, but then must call police officers to make a formal arrest.
Court records describe 35 instances in which the troops were witnesses to crimes, sometimes simply watching until police officers arrived. They have told officers about a drug deal, a man urinating in public, another who exposed himself to a subway policeman and two men writing with chalk on a monument outside the city’s train station, one of them wearing a banana costume.
Evelyn Jones said she wonders whether soldiers could have saved her nephew, Keon Jones, who was stabbed to death in April near a trendy strip of hotels and restaurants on the city’s waterfront.
The soldiers called emergency services after finding Jones unresponsive after a fight. They later told police they thought Jones was merely intoxicated. They did not realize, until after officers reached the scene, that he had been stabbed so severely his intestines were spilling out. He died in hospital about two hours later.
“They could have done more to help him,” his aunt said.
The service members themselves have often been victims, a fact underscored last year when two soldiers from West Virginia were shot not far from the White House, killing one of them.
Reuters found 62 cases in which people were charged with pushing, punching or threatening soldiers. Nine were accused of spitting on the soldiers. One man allegedly tried to grab a soldier’s pistol as the soldier tried to arrest him for stealing baseball caps in a subway station. Another man was charged after he told a group of soldiers that he wanted to “shoot you, in between your balls, with a bazooka,” according to a police report.
And twice, police in Washington arrested off-duty soldiers for violating the city’s firearms laws, though the U.S. Attorney’s Office dropped the charges against both of them.
This summer, they took on a new mission: guarding the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, which the Trump administration spent millions of dollars to renovate only to see it turn green with algae as its liner peeled away. Trump claimed the pool was sabotaged by vandals. But U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia Jeanine Pirro eventually conceded that a government contractor“botched” the job.
PATROLLING SAFER NEIGHBORHOODS
The U.S. has long used National Guard soldiers to respond to disasters, help secure major events like the Super Bowl and occasionally quell riots, but they haven’t been used for everyday crime-fighting. Trump also authorized smaller deployments in Memphis and New Orleans and has mused about sending soldiers to other cities.
“You do not want armed soldiers on the streets of America,” said Gen. Randy Manner, who retired in 2012 as the second-in-command of the National Guard Bureau. He said soldiers are ill-prepared for police work and more expensive than hiring more police officers.
Determining the soldiers’ impact on crime in Washington is not straightforward. In addition to the soldiers, the Trump administration sent hundreds of extra federal agents into the city, who largely functioned as local police officers.
The number of murders in Washington fell for the third consecutive year. But homicide numbers also
dropped in cities where the government has not sent soldiers or additional federal agents. And the total number of violent crimes — serious assaults, robberies and sex offenses in addition to homicides — reported by city police between January and mid-August is marginally higher than last year,
about 4%.
A
study in May by the nonpartisan Niskanen Center found that sending soldiers into Washington led to fewer stolen cars but had no impact on violent crimes.
Charles Stimson, a senior fellow at the pro-Trump Heritage Foundation, said the soldiers’ visibility served as a deterrent. “When you’re speeding and you see a cop, you slow down,” he said. “If those National Guard went poof and left town tomorrow, crime would go up.”
The Reuters review of court records found little evidence of soldiers’ presence in high-crime neighborhoods where they might have responded to more serious crimes.
Instead, the court records show soldiers were more likely to be mentioned in arrest records in city neighborhoods that have higher incomes, in which more people have college degrees, and where more people are white. Most of the arrests in which soldiers participated were either near the city’s core or its subway stops.
Reuters used the location of incidents in court records to identify the areas in which soldiers were either assisting the police or seeking help from them, then compared those neighborhoods to the rest of the city. That does not account for places soldiers might have been sent if they did not interact with law enforcement there. But it suggests that their presence was not aimed at quelling the violent crime that had ravaged parts of the city in the past.
Salim Adofo, an outreach coordinator with the Anacostia Coordinating Council, a nonprofit operating in a low-income part of the city, said that matched his experience.
“I haven’t seen them all year,” he said.
Reporting by Brad Heath; Editing by Craig Timberg and Suzanne Goldenberg
Brad Heath is an enterprise reporter in Washington. He focuses on law enforcement, criminal justice and using data to find out what the government is doing. He is a graduate of Georgetown University Law Center and is a member of the Virginia bar.