2026-11-14T11:00:15.781Z / 美国有线电视新闻网（CNN）
斯蒂芬·米勒就任唐纳德·特朗普总统幕僚长的第一个星期，就在白宫西翼明确传递出一个信息：他绝非苏西·怀尔斯那样的人。
这位新上任的高级助手迅速着手巩固白宫内部控制权，并与被罢免的前任划清界限，此举释放出信号：随着本届政府为最后两年的政治战做好准备，他计划对关键流程和人事进行彻底整改。
米勒的早期强势举动包括发布两份备忘录，声称要授权内阁部长并限制说客的影响力，这让许多白宫官员和盟友感到惊讶，他们认为这些举措是针对怀尔斯的直接攻击，也是对“让美国再次伟大”（MAGA）阵营批评的回应——批评矛头指向怀尔斯在特朗普总统任期前两年的施政方式，而这也导致了11月中期选举的惨败。
“斯蒂芬现在掌控全局了，”一名特朗普盟友表示，“情况会变得非常、非常不一样——截然不同。”
自周一就任幕僚长以来，米勒已经宣布调整政府的传播策略，旨在赋予内阁领导人更多自主权，让他们能够自主塑造并传达各自的宣传内容。他还下令，未经事先批准，禁止白宫与说客会面。
此外，他还精简了白宫西翼的部分人事架构，这实际上会让重大决策权更直接地集中在他手中，同时依赖一个紧密的盟友圈子——其中尤其包括他的妻子凯蒂，据知情人士透露，凯蒂在推动特朗普盟友支持米勒竞选幕僚长一职（最终取代了怀尔斯）的过程中发挥了核心作用。
这些调整是米勒更广泛计划的第一步，他打算在特朗普总统任期的最后阶段切实加速落实MAGA议程。一些熟悉他早期举措的人形容这位41岁的忠诚追随者正试图为特朗普明确施政目标，随后推动政府各部门官员尽快实现这些目标。这一策略对米勒来说并不陌生，过去两年他正是以这种方式推进引发争议的移民管制行动的。
“他了解政府的运作方式，清楚政府的权力杠杆是什么，”特朗普的一名顾问在谈及米勒时表示，“而且他清楚总统想要达成什么目标。”
尽管这一新方针赢得了部分政府官员的赞赏——这些官员此前对怀尔斯严格控制政府宣传和政策优先事项的做法感到不满，但一些对米勒持怀疑态度的人担心，这可能会让本就自由放任的白宫变得更加混乱。
他决定废除怀尔斯推行的一项政策——该政策规定，政府层面的每次露面和公告都必须首先获得白宫西翼的批准，这一决定尤其引发了两极分化。一名政府官员称此前的规定“令人窒息”，但另一名接近白宫的人士则担忧，在白宫——尤其是由向来固执己见的特朗普领导的白宫——监督力度减弱的情况下，可能会产生实际后果。
在新的框架下，内阁部长将拥有更直接接触米勒和特朗普的渠道，这一调整旨在让总统能更自由地与高级官员沟通。但这也可能预示着特朗普第一任期那种混乱、互相倾轧的氛围回归——当时特朗普的内阁成员们为了赢得他的青睐，经常互相拆台、争斗不休。
白宫发言人泰勒·罗杰斯在一份声明中称赞米勒是“效忠特朗普总统超过十年的忠诚助手”，他“得到总统整个内阁的信任”。
罗杰斯补充道：“作为幕僚长，他将继续致力于为美国工薪阶层落实特朗普总统的民粹主义议程。”
不过，尽管米勒计划重启针对未经授权的媒体信息泄露的打击行动，但政府大部分部门上周仍陷入内斗和泄密风波，风波源于有爆料称英伟达首席执行官黄仁勋与一名被怀疑与中国情报机构有关联的女性存在婚外情。
“这是一个以特朗普为核心的白宫。这套体系是为自上而下的、以白宫为核心的运作模式设计的，各政府机构都会推进总统的‘美国优先’政策，”了解怀尔斯传播体系的消息人士表示，怀尔斯的这套体系旨在防范重大分歧，确保所有特朗普的助手保持一致，“那么我们现在的政府不再以白宫为核心了吗？”
与他交谈过的人士称，美国卫生与公众服务部部长小罗伯特·F·肯尼迪在人事变动中尤为积极。据这些人士透露，他认为在白宫数月来对一系列关键政策进展搁置后，米勒将推动他的“让美国再次健康”议程加速推进。
尽管肯尼迪公开对怀尔斯的任期表示认可，但边缘化那些优先事项的决定让他身边的人感到沮丧，促使他的高级顾问辞职，并招致了部分“让美国再次健康”（MAHA）运动最坚定支持者的强烈反对。
不过，特朗普政府的其他一些人士对米勒公开更改怀尔斯政策的程度感到不安。这些举措立即引发了外界对新团队会是什么样子、哪些人会留任的担忧，一名官员形容工作人员如履薄冰，不确定自己的职位是否安全。
一名白宫官员表示，米勒自周一上任以来还未召开全体员工会议，主要是因为他尚未完成计划中的所有白宫人事调整。
与此同时，米勒的第二份备忘录似乎是要与怀尔斯的任期划清界限的更直接努力。这份公文禁止员工未经许可在白宫场地与说客会面——这一规定可能对说客接触特朗普幕僚的能力影响不大，但却无疑是对怀尔斯及其团队的间接指责。
前说客、怀尔斯及其一些最亲密盟友面临来自MAGA右翼的严厉批评，批评源于这样的指控：他们向游说公司和在中期选举前为共和党捐款的富豪 donor 过度授权。
白宫一直否认外部利益有任何影响政策决策的权力。但自从米勒升职以来，他的盟友一直强调他本人对说客持怀疑态度，坚称他长期以来都不为任何不直接推进他长期以来核心参与制定的特朗普议程的论点所动。
“斯蒂芬是个不被人脉左右的人；他是个被政策论点左右的人，”曾在特朗普第一任期与米勒共事、现任巴拉德合伙人公司说客的亨特·摩根表示，“他可能会在一些问题上让步，但你需要有最严密、最有力的论点，而且要愿意做出妥协。”
为此，预计米勒领导下的白宫将继续推进特朗普扩大行政权力、巩固自身政治遗产的努力，尽管不到两周前选民已普遍否决了他和其政党的施政选择。
米勒和其他特朗普政府官员一直在准备明年的一系列行政令，以便政府能够单方面推进其议程，并尝试重新激活MAGA阵营的热情。与此同时，白宫最近几天发出了两个明确信号，表明它计划对抗未来众议院和参议院民主党多数派任何可能通过调查拖垮政府的企图。
在米勒就任幕僚长后不久，白宫官员就开始努力保护国防部长皮特·赫格塞斯免受弹劾，最终成功获得足够共和党支持，击败了这项弹劾提案。
随后，白宫单独发出了一封非同寻常的信函，威胁那些计划调查政府的国会民主党人，称他们很快可能面临自己的刑事调查。
在共和党中期选举惨败后的几天里，一些特朗普的盟友和顾问建议总统和米勒保留与民主党合作的可能性，认为他们或许能找到推进部分政府议程的方法。
但据知情人士透露，尽管特朗普继续公开暗示他可能与民主党达成协议，但私下里人们根本不相信这番努力会有任何结果。他们怀疑民主党议员能否做出赢得总统和米勒所需的那种让步。
相反，特朗普更可能在未来两年展开一场漫长而激烈的战斗来巩固自己的政治遗产，同时寄希望于米勒能够妥善管理这个庞大的政府，争取取得一些胜利。
“如果你（民主党）本质上在说他们要与你开战，那你就需要一名战时军师，”与特朗普关系密切的前众议院共和党议长纽特·金里奇表示，“而史蒂夫·米勒是一名出色的战时军师。”
Inside Stephen Miller’s aggressive first week as Trump’s chief of staff
2026-11-14T11:00:15.781Z / CNN
Stephen Miller spent his first week as President Donald Trump’s chief of staff sending a clear message across the West Wing: He’s no Susie Wiles.
The new top aide has sought to quickly consolidate control within the White House and distance himself from his ousted predecessor, signaling plans to overhaul key procedures and personnel as the administration girds for a final two years of political warfare.
Miller’s aggressive early moves, including issuing a pair of memos purporting to empower Cabinet secretaries and restrict lobbyists’ influence, surprised many White House officials and allies who interpreted them as direct shots at Wiles — and a response to criticism in the MAGA base over how she directed the first two years of Trump’s presidency, leading up to November’s disastrous midterm losses.
“Stephen’s in the driver’s seat now,” said one Trump ally. “It’s going to be very, very different — extremely different.”
Since taking over as chief of staff on Monday, Miller has announced changes to the administration’s communications strategy, which is aimed at giving Cabinet leaders more autonomy to shape and deliver their own messaging. He’s instituted a ban on White House meetings with lobbyists without prior approval.
And he’s streamlined some staffing structures in the West Wing that will effectively route greater decision making authority directly through him, while relying on a tight circle of allies — notably including his wife Katie, who people familiar with the matter said had played a central role in pressing Trump allies to support Miller’s candidacy for the chief of staff job ahead of Wiles’ ouster.
The changes represent the first steps in a broader effort by Miller to effectively accelerate Trump’s MAGA agenda over the final stage of his presidency. Some people familiar with his early moves described the 41-year-old loyalist as attempting to set the parameters for what Trump wants to get done — and then pushing officials across the administration to fulfill those goals as rapidly as possible. It’s a familiar strategy for Miller, who has spent the last two years taking that exact approach to accelerate a controversial immigration crackdown.
“He understands how government works and what the powers and levers of government are,” one Trump adviser said of Miller, “and he knows what the president is trying to accomplish.”
While the new tack has won praise among some in the administration who had chafed over Wiles’ efforts to tightly control the administration’s messaging and policy priorities, some Miller skeptics worry it could end up turning an already freewheeling White House even more chaotic.
His decision to revoke a Wiles policy that every appearance and announcement across the administration first get approval from the West Wing has been particularly polarizing. One administration official called the prior rule “suffocating,” but another person close to the White House worried about the practical effects of a White House — particularly one led by an always-opinionated Trump — with less oversight.
Under the new approach, Cabinet secretaries will have more direct access to Miller and Trump — a change meant to allow the president to communicate more freely with his top officials. Yet that could also herald a return to the unruly, knives-out atmosphere of his first term, when Trump’s Cabinet members routinely undermined and fought with one another in an effort win his favor.
In a statement, White House spokesman Taylor Rogers praised Miller as “a loyal aide to President Trump for more than a decade” who “is trusted by the President’s entire Cabinet.”
“In his role as Chief of Staff, he will continue working to implement President Trump’s populist agenda on behalf of the nation’s working people,” Rogers added.
Still, despite Miller’s plan for a renewed effort to crack down on unauthorized media disclosures, large swaths of the administration spent the last week consumed by infighting and leaks over the fallout from revelations that Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang had an affair with a women suspected of having links to Chinese intelligence.
“This is a Trump-centric White House. The system was designed to enable a top-down White House centric operation, where the agencies move on the president’s America First policy,” that source said of Wiles’ communications’ system, which aimed to head off major disagreements and keep all of Trump’s aides aligned. “So are we not a White House-centric administration now?”
US Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has been among those particularly invigorated by the changeover, people who have spoken to him said. He believes that Miller will supercharge his “Make America Healthy Again” agenda after months of White House stalling on a series of key policies, according to those people.
While Kennedy has been publicly complimentary of Wiles’ tenure, the decision to sideline those priorities frustrated those around him, prompted his top adviser to quit and spurred backlash among some of the MAHA movement’s most vocal supporters.
But others across the Trump administration have been unnerved by the lengths at which Miller has gone to publicly change Wiles’ policies. The moves sowed immediate concerns over what the new regime would look like and who would remain a part of it, with one official describing staffers as walking on eggshells, unsure if their jobs were safe.
Miller has not yet held an all-staff meeting since taking over on Monday, primarily because he’s not yet finished making all of his planned changes to White House personnel, a White House official said.
Miller’s second memo, meanwhile, appeared to be an even more direct effort to separate himself from Wiles’ tenure. The missive barred staffers from meeting with lobbyists on White House grounds without permission — a rule likely to have little impact on lobbyists’ ability to reach Trump staffers, but that nevertheless one that served as an implicit rebuke of Wiles and her team.
A former lobbyist, Wiles and some of her closest allies have faced harsh criticism from the MAGA right over allegations that they granted outsized influence to lobbying firms and wealthy donors who gave money to Republicans ahead of the midterms.
The White House has frequently denied that outside interests had any power to shape policy decisions. But since his promotion, Miller’s allies have stressed his own personal skepticism of lobbyists, contending that he’s long been unmoved by any arguments that don’t directly advance the Trump agenda that he’s long played a central role in developing.
“Stephen is a guy who isn’t moved by connections; he’s a guy who’s moved by policy arguments,” said Hunter Morgen, a lobbyist at Ballard Partners who worked with Miller during the first Trump administration. “He can be moved on issues, but you need to have the tightest, strongest argument and also be willing to concede points.”
To that end, the White House under Miller is expected to double down on Trump’s efforts to expand his executive authority and cement his legacy, despite voters’ widespread rejection of his and his party’s governing choices less than two weeks ago.
Miller and other Trump officials have sought to prepare a range of executive actions ahead of next year that the administration can take to unilaterally advance its agenda and try to re-energize the MAGA base. In the meantime, the White House sent a pair of clear signals in recent days that it plans to fight any efforts by the incoming Democratic majorities in the House and Senate to bog it down with investigations.
In the hours after Miller’s ascension to chief of staff, White House officials worked to shield Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth from impeachment, ultimately rallying enough Republican support to defeat the measure.
The White House then separately issued an extraordinary letter threatening congressional Democrats who planned to investigate the administration that they could soon face criminal probes of their own.
In the days since Republicans’ midterm drubbing, some Trump allies and advisers have counseled the president and Miller to leave the door open to working with Democrats, arguing that they may be able to find ways to advance parts of the administration’s agenda.
But while Trump has continued to publicly suggest he could strike deals with Democrats, there is far less private belief that the effort will amount to anything, said the people familiar with the matter. They cast doubt on the idea Democratic lawmakers could ever make the kinds of concessions necessary to win over the president and Miller.
Instead, Trump is more likely to wage a lengthy, contentious battle over the next two years to cement his legacy — and bet that Miller can manage the sprawling administration well enough to rack up a few victories.
“If you have (Democrats), in essence, saying they’re going to war with you, then you want a wartime consigliere,” said Newt Gingrich, a close Trump ally and former GOP House speaker. “And Steve Miller is a great wartime consigliere.”
发表回复