JB·普利茨克的中期选举投资或将为2028年白宫竞选铺路


2026-10-18T10:30:45.535Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/18/politics/jb-pritzker-midterm-elections-donations-2028

随着潜在2028年总统候选人在全美各地穿梭开展中期选举竞选活动,伊利诺伊州州长JB·普利茨克拥有一项其他候选人无可比拟的优势:他巨额的个人财富。

这位亿万富翁已向中期选举中的民主党候选人及团体投入近4000万美元,捐赠对象涵盖民主党最大的超级政治行动委员会到州议会竞选活动等方方面面。在选举的最后几周,他还出资2000万美元助力民主党在众议院多数席位争夺战中进一步进军红营,这是一项格外雄心勃勃的举措。

“就是现在了,”普利茨克在一次采访中表示,“在我看来,当下任何政界人士如果不专注于这场选举都是愚蠢的。我们民主党人必须获胜。”

长期以来,普利茨克一直是民主党高层捐赠者,而此次中期选举的捐赠行动正值他考虑加入预计将十分拥挤的2028年总统初选之际,同时该举措也服务于多重政治目的。

他正在民主党重新规划的2028年初选日程表中的首批投票州助力民主党竞选。他正努力修复党内他竞选总统所需的受损关系,尤其是与国会黑人核心小组的关系。他还在德克萨斯州成为一股独特的政治力量,例如向该州民主党州长候选人吉娜·希诺霍萨捐赠超100万美元,而希诺霍萨的拉美裔盟友一直呼吁获得更多全国性投资。

预计将在次月的连任选举中轻松获胜的普利茨克表示,他理解为何政治观察人士会将他的中期选举捐赠视为其2028年计划的暗示。但他称这种看法“不准确”,并指出自己长期从事政治捐赠的历史,估算自己成年以来已向美国“几乎每个州的民主党委员会”捐过款。

“这不是我第一次参与这类政治活动,”他说。

其他潜在白宫候选人也在向中期选举投入资金。加利福尼亚州州长加文·纽瑟姆、肯塔基州州长安迪·贝希尔以及前交通部长皮特·布蒂吉格等人都设有面向全国的政治行动委员会。纽约州众议员亚历山大·奥卡西奥-科特茨上周五动用其庞大的竞选资金库,向密歇根州参议院候选人阿卜杜勒·埃尔赛义德捐赠了100万美元。

其他潜在2028年候选人,尤其是布蒂吉格,通过定期前往共和党倾向地区与候选人一同开展竞选活动,来展示自己广泛的号召力。普利茨克参与的这类行程较少,而是选择出席大型政党集会和私人筹款活动。在他曾捐款支持的一些民主党候选人的竞选活动中,其共和党对手试图将他塑造成“怪物”,将他描绘成一个自由主义的外州精英。

但身家估计达42亿美元的普利茨克,在财力上独树一帜。

获得普利茨克支持的民主党人士表示,他的资金以切实且有针对性的方式发挥了作用。

密歇根州民主党主席柯蒂斯·赫特尔表示,普利茨克向该州民主党委员会捐赠的50万美元,助力该党将全州竞选组织工作扩编至25个办公室和80名工作人员。

赫特尔告诉潜在总统候选人:“在我为2028年操心之前,我必须先赢得2026年的选举。”该州有多场竞争激烈的全州性选举,将决定民主党能否在另一场总统选举前继续掌控权力。

“如果你关心2028年大选和总统职位,投资密歇根是最佳选择,”赫特尔说。

普利茨克的部分捐赠可能对2028年民主党提名进程中首批投票的州尤其有益。他向一个支持斯特凡尼·尚恩的超级政治行动委员会捐赠了10万美元,助力其参加新罕布什尔州第一国会选区9月的初选。尚恩获胜,而新罕布什尔州将成为2028年首批投票州中的第三个,届时她将成为各方重点争取的对象。

还有一项略显不同寻常的举措:普利茨克的“备战战斗”政治行动委员会最近接管了价值280多万美元的广告预订,为新墨西哥州众议员加布·瓦斯克斯的连任竞选提供支持,这为众议院多数党政治行动委员会腾出了资金,使其能够发起更多进攻性宣传。与密歇根州一样,新墨西哥州也新增到了首批投票州名单中,计划于2028年2月举行初选,时间比新罕布什尔州晚一周。

受益于普利茨克捐款的民主党人士表示,他和他的团队对投资十分审慎。其中一位人士称他并非“只是往民主党事业上撒钱”。

“他的团队会深入了解情况,考察是否有称职的团队,会问‘他能发挥作用吗?’”这位民主党人士说。

在密歇根州,赫特尔表示他在去年就任主席后不久就与普利茨克见了面,“向他介绍了我们正在开展的组织工作以及他的资金所能产生的影响”。赫特尔说他们“定期沟通”,并且“经常”与普利茨克的团队成员交谈。

在内华达州,普利茨克的助手参与每周战略会议,协助推进一项旨在将堕胎权纳入州宪法的 ballot 提案。普利茨克已向该提案竞选活动捐赠65万美元。

“我们依赖他们,”生殖自由组织主席米妮·蒂马拉朱说,“捐款固然重要,但拥有工作人员支持也很棒。”

普利茨克的资金还帮助修复了他与国会黑人核心小组的关系,此前他在今年早些时候的伊利诺伊州参议院初选中支持了自己的副州长——同样是非裔的朱莉安娜·斯特拉顿,而非该核心小组的成员、众议员罗宾·凯利,并花费1000万美元帮助斯特拉顿赢得提名。

据一位熟悉普利茨克与该核心小组互动的消息人士透露,初选结束后,普利茨克与国会黑人核心小组成员会面,“握手言和”,并承诺将在中期选举中普遍帮助他们扩大议员队伍。

“他已经在核心小组真正关心的领域兑现了承诺,”该消息人士说,并指出普利茨克的“备战战斗”政治行动委员会正在为阿肯色州第二国会选区的克里斯·琼斯、阿拉巴马州第二国会选区的肖马里·菲格雷斯和田纳西州第九国会选区的贾斯汀·皮尔逊提供竞选资金支持。

不过该消息人士提醒,普利茨克只是众多已在2028年大选前争取该核心小组支持的潜在总统候选人之一。

当被问及普利茨克的中期选举捐赠时,曾担任国会黑人核心小组主席的俄亥俄州众议员乔伊斯·比蒂呼应了她在伊利诺伊州初选后表达的观点。

“赢得民主党总统候选人提名的候选人必须经过国会黑人核心小组这一关,”她说,并将该团体称为“极具战略眼光的组织”。

普利茨克表示,他和他的团队一直与国会黑人核心小组领导人、国会西班牙裔核心小组以及主要政党委员会保持联系。他表示,他正试图利用“备战战斗”政治行动委员会“确保我们拓宽战场,迫使共和党将资源从那些主要竞选活动中抽离”。

“我们可能会在众议院赢得30个、35个甚至40个席位,更不用说参议院民主党人可能赢得52个或53个席位,”普利茨克说,“然后我们必须尽一切努力支持非裔候选人,尤其是在最高法院做出那项糟糕的投票权裁决之后。”

琼斯的竞选对非裔民主党人来说尤其令人振奋,他在阿肯色州一个稳固的红营选区中,针对众议院金融服务委员会主席、共和党众议员弗伦奇·希尔的选情不断升温。琼斯还获得了其他潜在2028年候选人的背书,包括前副总统卡玛拉·哈里斯和布蒂吉格。

一位参与“备战战斗”政治行动委员会瞄准的部分众议院竞选活动的民主党人士表示,这些选区都拥有“庞大的少数族裔人口”,这对民主党来说至关重要,因为他们需要找到方法让这些选民在非总统选举年更可靠地出来投票。“只要有额外的资源,所有这些选区都有获胜可能,”这位民主党人士说。

在一些众议院竞选中,共和党候选人试图将普利茨克的财政支持变成政治包袱。在“备战战斗”政治行动委员会开始在新墨西哥州第二国会选区投入资金后,共和党候选人格雷格·坎宁安发表声明称,“伊利诺伊州的自由主义亿万富翁州长正在拯救加布·瓦斯克斯,因为他们持有相同的极左翼价值观”。

普利茨克尤其关注德克萨斯州,去年在州民主党议员集会期间在伊利诺伊州接待他们后,他与该州民主党议员建立了独特的关系。本届选举周期内,他已四次前往该州,最近一次是在达拉斯举行的共和党中期选举代表大会上主持新闻发布会作出回应。

这个拥有大量代表名额的州不属于首批投票州,但通常会在3月初晚些时候举行初选。

德克萨斯州民主党委员会主席肯德尔·斯卡德表示,普利茨克向该委员会捐赠的10万美元,正用于资助其选民保护项目。但斯卡德表示,他最感激的是普利茨克花“时间和精力”了解德克萨斯州民主党人——长期以来,该州民主党人一直将自己定位为红营州中坚韧不拔的弱势一方。

“你必须奋起反击,不能谨小慎微。他明白这一点,”斯卡德说。

普利茨克的资金在德克萨斯州州长竞选期间受到的关注尤其密切。

9月18日,普利茨克首次向希诺霍萨的州长竞选活动捐赠20万美元,约在数十位拉美裔领导人致信民主党州长协会主席贝希尔,要求其向该竞选活动投入1000万美元两周后。据两位熟悉此次对话的消息人士透露,尽管贝希尔拒绝了这笔大额捐款,但他在9月29日与希诺霍萨通话时表示,民主党州长协会将承诺向该竞选活动投入100万美元。此后,普利茨克宣布再向希诺霍萨捐赠100万美元。

“一旦普利茨克表示相信我们,这就为很多其他人相信我们打开了大门,”为希诺霍萨工作的民主党战略家丽贝卡·卡茨说。

普利茨克淡化了他与贝希尔在这场竞选中的任何紧张关系。

“我们不应忽视这场选举本身,”他说,“这与民主党州长协会无关。这与广大民主党捐赠者认识到这里的机遇有关。”

How JB Pritzker’s midterm investments could pay off in a 2028 White House bid

2026-10-18T10:30:45.535Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/18/politics/jb-pritzker-midterm-elections-donations-2028

As potential 2028 presidential candidates crisscross the country to campaign in the midterms, Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker is wielding an advantage that none of the others can match: his massive personal wealth.

The billionaire has funneled nearly $40 million to Democratic candidates and groups in the midterms, donating to everything from the party’s biggest super PACs to state legislative campaigns. And in the closing weeks of the election, he’s funding a $20 million effort to help Democrats push deeper into red territory in their bid to capture the House majority, a particularly ambitious play.

“This is it,” Pritzker said in an interview. “As far as I’m concerned, focusing on anything other than this election is folly for anybody in politics right now. We must win, we Democrats.”

Pritzker has long been a top donor to the Democratic Party, but his midterm giving has unfolded as he considers joining what is expected to be a crowded 2028 presidential primary — and is serving multiple political purposes.

He’s boosting Democratic campaigns in the first states on the party’s revamped 2028 primary calendar. He’s working to patch up bruised relationships inside the party that he would need for a presidential bid, particularly with the Congressional Black Caucus. And he’s become a unique force in Texas, including by giving more than $1 million to the Democratic nominee for governor, Gina Hinojosa, as her Latino allies plead for more national investment.

Pritzker, who is expected to cruise to victory in his own reelection race next month, said he understands why political observers would try to view his midterm donations as hints at his 2028 plans. But he said that would be “inaccurate” and noted his long history of political giving, estimating he has given to “virtually every state party in the country” throughout his adult life.

“This is not my first rodeo,” he said.

Other potential White House hopefuls are pouring money into the midterms. California Gov. Gavin Newsom, Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear and former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg are among those with their own nationally focused PACs. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York tapped her huge campaign war chest on Friday to send $1 million to Michigan Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed.

Other potential 2028 candidates, especially Buttigieg, have sought to show their broad appeal by making regular trips to Republican-leaning areas to campaign directly alongside candidates. Pritzker has not done as many of those trips, opting instead for large party gatherings and private fundraisers. And in some races where he has donated to Democrats, their Republicans have sought to turn him into a boogeyman, portraying him as a liberal out-of-state elite.

But Pritzker, who has an estimated net worth of $4.2 billion, is in a financial league of his own.

Democrats whom Pritzker has supported say his money has made a difference in tangible and targeted ways.

In Michigan, a $500,000 donation from Pritzker to the state Democratic Party has helped fund an expansion of organizing statewide that includes 25 offices and 80 people, according to the party’s chairman, Curtis Hertel.

Hertel said he tells potential presidential candidates, “I gotta win in 2026 before I worry about 2028.” The state has a slew of hotly contested statewide races that will determine whether Democrats can remain in charge heading into another presidential election.

“If you care about ’28 and the presidency, investing in Michigan is your best option,” Hertel said.

Some of Pritzker’s giving could be especially helpful in states that will vote early in the 2028 Democratic nomination process. Pritzker gave $100,000 to a super PAC that supported Stefany Shaheen in the September primary for New Hampshire’s 1st Congressional District. She prevailed and is poised to be heavily courted in 2028 with New Hampshire going third among early voting states.

And in a somewhat unusual move, Pritzker’s Ready for the Fight PAC recently took over $2.8 million in ad reservations supporting New Mexico Rep. Gabe Vasquez in his competitive reelection race, freeing up money for the House Majority PAC as it tries to play more offense. Like Michigan, New Mexico is a new addition to the early-state window, slated to hold its primary a week after New Hampshire in February 2028.

Democrats who have benefited from Pritzker’s money say he and his aides are rigorous about the investments. One said he is “not just throwing money” at Democratic causes.

“His team looks under the hood, looks for a competent staff, [asks], ‘Can he make a difference?’” the Democrat said.

In Michigan, Hertel said he met with Pritzker shortly after he became chair last year and “walked him through the organizing work that we were doing and what the impact of his dollars could be.” Hertel said they talk “on a regular basis” and he speaks with Pritzker’s staff “a lot.”

In Nevada, Pritzker aides join in on weekly strategy sessions to pass a ballot measure to create a state constitutional right to abortion. Pritzker has donated $650,000 to the campaign for the ballot measure.

“We rely on them,” said Mini Timmaraju, president of Reproductive Freedom for All. “The check is important, but having staff capacity — that’s great too.”

Pritzker’s money is also helping repair his relationship with the Congressional Black Caucus after he went against one of their members, Rep. Robin Kelly, in the Illinois Senate primary earlier this year. Pritzker instead backed his lieutenant governor — Juliana Stratton, who is also Black — and spent $10 million winning her the nomination.

After the primary, Pritzker met with CBC members, “locked hands” and promised to generally help them grow their ranks in the midterms, according to a source familiar with his interactions with the caucus.

“He’s followed through on that commitment in areas that really matter to the caucus,” the source said, pointing to how Pritzker’s Ready for the Fight PAC is spending for Chris Jones in Arkansas’ 2nd Congressional District, Shomari Figures in Alabama’s 2nd Congressional District and Justin Pearson in Tennessee’s 9th Congressional District.

Yet the source cautioned that Pritzker is just one of many potential presidential candidates who are already courting the caucus ahead of 2028.

Asked about Pritzker’s midterm donations, Rep. Joyce Beatty, a CBC member from Ohio who previously chaired the caucus, echoed a sentiment she shared after the Illinois primary.

“The Democratic candidate for president that prevails has to go through the CBC,” she said, calling the group “very strategic.”

Pritzker said he and his staff remain in touch with CBC leaders, as well as the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and the major party committees. He said he was trying to use Ready for the Fight PAC to “to make sure that we’re kind of broadening the battlefield, forcing Republicans to pull resources away from those mainline races.”

“We might turn this into a 30- or 35- or 40-seat win in the House, and that’s not to mention this could be 52 or 53 seats for Democratic senators,” Pritzker said. “And then we’ve got to do everything we can to support Black candidates, particularly post-the terrible voting rights decision that was made by the Supreme Court.”

Jones’ race has become especially exciting to Black Democrats as he gains momentum against GOP Rep. French Hill, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, in a solidly red district in Arkansas. Jones has also been endorsed by other potential 2028 candidates, including former Vice President Kamala Harris and Buttigieg.

A Democrat working on some of the House races that Ready for the Fight PAC is targeting said they all have “huge minority populations” that are important for Democrats to figure out how to turn out more reliably in off-year elections. “All of these are winnable with additional resources,” the Democrat said.

In some House races, Republican candidates have sought to make Pritzker’s financial backing a political liability. After Ready for the Fight PAC began spending in New Mexico’s 2nd Congressional District, the Republican candidate, Greg Cunningham, released a statement saying that the “liberal billionaire governor of Illinois is coming to Gabe Vasquez’s rescue because they share the same far left values.”

Pritzker has been especially focused on Texas, where he has built a unique relationship with state Democratic lawmakers after hosting them in Illinois during a quorum break last year. He has made four trips to the state this cycle, most recently leading a news conference responding to the GOP’s midterm convention in Dallas.

The delegate-rich state is not part of the early voting window but usually holds its primary days later in early March.

The chairman of the Texas Democratic Party, Kendall Scudder, said Pritzker’s $100,000 donation to the party is helping fund its voter protection program. But Scudder said he was most grateful for the “time and effort” that Pritkzer has taken to getting to know Texas Democrats, who’ve long fashioned themselves as scrappy red-state underdogs.

“You’ve got to throw down and fight back and not play it safe. He gets that,” Scudder said.

Pritzker’s money has been especially closely watched in the Texas governor’s race.

Pritzker first donated $200,000 to Hinojosa’s gubernatorial campaign on September 18, about two weeks after dozens of Latino leaders sent Beshear, the Democratic Governors Association chairman, a letter asking him to invest $10 million in the race. While Beshear has resisted that larger sum, he spoke with Hinojosa on September 29 and told her the DGA would commit $1 million to the race, according to two sources familiar with the conversation. Pritzker has since announced donating another $1 million to Hinojosa.

“Once [Pritzker] showed he believed in us, it helped open the door for a lot of other people to believe in us,” said Rebecca Katz, a Democratic strategist working for Hinojosa.

Pritzker downplayed any tensions with Beshear over the contest.

“Let’s not overlook this race is all I would say,” he said. “It’s not about the DGA. It’s about Democratic givers broadly recognizing the opportunity here.”

评论

发表回复

您的邮箱地址不会被公开。 必填项已用 * 标注

湘ICP备2026001899号-2