2026-10-11T19:00:18-0400 / https://www.cbsnews.com/news/west-bank-palestinians-israeli-settlers-sheep-violence-60-minutes/
数千年来,约旦河西岸干旱的山顶上牧羊人往来不绝,而如今其中一些牧羊人却卷入了针对巴勒斯坦人的定居者暴力事件。
约旦河西岸的争夺是一个圣经故事。两个族群——犹太人和阿拉伯人,分别是亚伯拉罕之子以撒和以实玛利的后代——为这片祖传土地争斗不休。位于约旦河西岸的这片区域,生活着超过300万巴勒斯坦人,他们希望将这里作为未来建国的核心地带。同时这里也居住着超过50万犹太人,他们将这片区域称为犹地亚和撒马利亚,即他们的圣经故土。
该地区已被以色列军事占领近60年。犹太定居者在约旦河西岸建立社区,希望将这片土地纳入以色列版图。
距离以色列选举还有两周,美国中期选举也将在下个月举行,如何处理定居者暴力事件可能很快就会发生变化。
将羊群赶入巴勒斯坦社区
在约旦河西岸合伙创办牧羊场的莫德凯·明斯特是新一代以色列定居者。他的羊群正被越来越深地赶入周边的巴勒斯坦社区。
“有羊群在场时,所有人都明白其中的意思。阿拉伯人内部也会为放牧领地争斗。这是我们能理解的语言,他们也能理解,”明斯特说道。“这也是一种划定边界的方式。‘这里是我放牧的区域。你们别把羊赶到这儿来。别在这里耕种,别在这里建房。’”
以色列的牧羊场已占据大片土地:约占约旦河西岸的20%。近年来新增了约200个牧羊场。定居者甚至会将羊群赶进巴勒斯坦人的家中。
“他们闯进来,打开家门,把羊赶进去吃房子周围的树木,”住在穆盖伊尔的巴勒斯坦教师瓦希德·马尔苏克说道。
数十年来,犹太定居者一直修建围栏,以抵御巴勒斯坦恐怖主义的现实威胁。如今,轮到巴勒斯坦人将自己圈禁起来了。超过100个巴勒斯坦社区因定居者暴力和不断逼近的羊群而流离失所或被彻底摧毁。
“每当拥有族群宗教属性的社群,尤其是在中东地区,为土地和资源争斗时,冲突有时会变得十分惨烈,”明斯特说。“暴力的存在并不会改变我们对这片土地拥有权利这一事实。”
以色列定居者都是些什么人?
被称为“山丘青年”的年轻牧羊人往往是暴力事件的幕后推手。他们涌向约旦河西岸寻求冒险感,并被告知他们肩负着上帝赋予的使命,要赎回这片土地。他们突袭巴勒斯坦的农田和村庄、砍伐橄榄树、焚烧汽车、损毁财物,还骚扰农民和牲畜。据联合国人道主义事务协调厅的数据,今年迄今已发生超过1600起此类事件。
其中有一个核心群体,人数多达500人,另有约1000人会断断续续参与其中。
“这些孩子的年龄大概在15到25岁之间,”明斯特说。“他们在学校表现不好,也很难参军,可能是因为行为问题。所以他们中的一些人最终来到了这里,放羊、做建筑活。这些孩子中有些人可能有药物依赖问题,他们吸食大麻,还种植大麻。”
美国驻以色列大使迈克·赫卡比将定居者暴力称为恐怖主义,称其卑劣可憎。
“我不会将其归类为恐怖主义,但确实有一些孩子反应过度,行为卑劣,需要加以管束和控制,没错,肯定有,”明斯特说道。
巴勒斯坦人死于定居者暴力事件的情况确实存在。
“是的,”明斯特承认。“这一切都不好,也改变不了我们有权在此定居的事实——这是合法的,也是有历史渊源的。”
“这是我的土地”
住在明斯特农场山下的巴勒斯坦人对此并不认同。
马哈茂德·法拉杰的家族拥有这片土地的地契已有数代之久。《60分钟》栏目采访了他和他的表弟哈桑,他们所在的村庄名叫贾纳塔,在阿拉伯语中意为“天堂”。
哈桑说,这个名字在3月26日之前一直名副其实,当时有20到25名定居者出现,闯入法拉杰家族的土地并搭起了“帐篷”。
“他们开始表现得好像一切都是他们的,”哈桑说道。
哈桑将这个“山丘青年”的前哨基地形容为“帐篷”,它就建在他家的后院,阻断了通往家族其中一栋房屋的通道。
“那是我表哥的房子,他现在根本没法进去,”马哈茂德说道。
以色列定居者正试图迫使村民离开,而且他们正在得逞,哈桑说。许多房屋已经被遗弃。
“他们偷当地人的电,还偷水,”哈桑谈到定居者时说。“这就是他们的策略,让这片区域无法居住。”
每当法拉杰家族的人试图靠近他们的房子时,他们说前哨基地的青少年就会冲下来殴打他们。今年3月,哈桑和他的叔叔、表弟穆罕默德一起尝试靠近房子。
“他们开始三五成群地用木棍和石头攻击我们。他们还带了催泪瓦斯。其中三个人持有武器。其中一个带枪的家伙开了枪,射中了我表弟的头部,”哈桑说。“事情还没结束。他们过来用木棍殴打我的叔叔和他已经死去的儿子。”
法拉杰家族怀疑没有人会为此承担责任,因为这类案件中只有极少数会被起诉。
另一天,穆罕默德的兄弟,也叫哈桑,试图带着《60分钟》栏目记者前往家族的房子。但没过几秒,身穿黑色连帽衫的“山丘青年”就从山上跑了下来。很快,这些青少年就挡住了哈桑前往远处那栋房子的路。他们推搡哈桑,哈桑则将双手背在身后,以防他们指控自己先动手。
“这是我的土地,你们别想留下来。这是我的根,”哈桑用希伯来语回喊道。
他再次被殴打,鼻子被打断。其中一名“山丘青年”用头撞向哈桑。
哈桑试图撤退,但被挡住了去路。
保护巴勒斯坦人免受定居者侵害的以色列活动人士
哈桑那天去探望家园时并非孤身一人。他和一群名为“亚伯拉罕之子”的犹太活动人士一起,这些人致力于保护被围困的巴勒斯坦人。他们站在哈桑和青少年定居者之间,充当人体盾牌。他们的想法是,定居者会更犹豫是否攻击其他犹太人。
“他们试图把我们逼退。他们不想让我们带着摄像机进来。所以他们推搡着,等着有人动手,这样他们就能有借口实施更极端的暴力,”活动人士罗伊说道。
大多数活动人士和定居者一样,在右翼宗教家庭中长大。其中一位名叫阿玛娜的人曾经也是“山丘青年”的一员。但阿玛娜、德维尔和罗伊表示,犹太教义要求他们保护而非驱逐邻居。
一些“山丘青年”看到“亚伯拉罕之子”时会非常愤怒。
“我认为他们更生气,因为我们在意识形态上威胁到了他们,”阿玛娜用希伯来语说道。“而且我不是从外面过来的。我也是作为定居者长大的。我告诉他们:‘我已经改弦易辙了。我知道你们在做什么,我知道这是不对的。’”
有时“亚伯拉罕之子”和“山丘青年”会认出彼此。
“看到我一起长大的人,有些曾经是我的好朋友,做出这样的事,我感到很痛苦,”罗伊说道,他承认对方也会对自己有同样的看法。
在罗伊、阿玛娜和德维尔陪同哈桑的那天,就在局势即将失控时,一名以色列军队上尉带着士兵赶到了现场。
最终,哈桑被赶出了自己的土地。以色列定居者则得以留在原地。
军队的优先事项是保护定居者,有些士兵本身就是定居者,偶尔还会参与暴力活动。
不过也有士兵遭到年轻定居者袭击的案例。
“人们称之为‘定居者暴力’,我不同意这种说法,”罗伊说。“这是国家暴力。是政府的暴力。”
以色列和美国的政治格局
距离以色列选举还有两周,到目前为止,以色列政府一直不愿打压约旦河西岸的定居者暴力事件。
特朗普政府已呼吁以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡处理这一局势。内塔尼亚胡谴责了这种暴力行为,但他的政府也投入了数千万美元用于扩大牧羊场、为其配备武器,并提供美国制造的越野车。
美国下月的中期选举也可能改变政治格局。如果民主党获胜,他们威胁将部分限制对以色列的军事援助,他们表示,部分原因是约旦河西岸的袭击事件。
明斯特表示,他担心美国的公众舆论。虽然他担心如果以色列失去美国的支持可能会产生潜在影响,但他并不认为这是生存威胁。
“美国背弃我们,我们也背弃美国,这让我感到困扰。这就好像,我觉得这是失去了一段友谊,”他说。“我还担心,作为军事盟友和政治盟友,我们可能也会失去美国。看起来情况正朝着这个方向发展。但以色列会找到其他盟友的。”
Some Israeli settlers use sheep as tool to push Palestinians from their West Bank homes
2026-10-11T19:00:18-0400 / https://www.cbsnews.com/news/west-bank-palestinians-israeli-settlers-sheep-violence-60-minutes/
The arid hilltops of the West Bank have seen shepherds come and go for thousands of years, and now some of these shepherds are behind settler violence against Palestinians.
The struggle for the West Bank is a biblical story. There are two populations – Jewish and Arab, the descendants of Abraham’s sons, Isaac and Ishmael – fighting over ancestral land. The West Bank, located on the west bank of the Jordan River, is home to more than 3 million Palestinians who hope to make it the heart of their future state. It is also home to over 500,000 Jews who call the area Judea and Samaria, their biblical homeland.
The area has been under Israeli military occupation for nearly six decades. Jewish settlers have built communities in the West Bank in hopes of making the land part of Israel.
With Israeli elections two weeks away, and midterms in the U.S. next month, how settler violence is handled could soon change.
Driving sheep herds into Palestinian communities
Mordehai Minster, who cofounded a sheep farm in the West Bank, is a new type of Israeli settler. His herd is driven deeper and deeper into surrounding Palestinian communities.
“When you have sheep, everyone understands. Arabs tend to fight over grazing lands among themselves. It’s a language that we understand, and they understand,” Minster said. “And it’s a way to delineate the border. ‘This is where I graze my sheep. You don’t take your sheep here. You don’t plant here. You don’t build here.’”
Mordehai Minster and Lesley Stahl 60 Minutes
Israeli sheep farms have taken over huge swathes of land: an estimated 20% of the West Bank. Some 200 sheep farms have popped up in recent years. Settlers even push sheep into Palestinian homes.
“They enter, they open the gate of the house and take the sheep inside to eat the trees around the house,” Waheed Marsouq, a Palestinian teacher in Al-Mughayyir, said.
For decades, Jewish settlers put up fences to protect themselves from the active threat of Palestinian terrorism. Now it’s the Palestinians who are penning themselves in. More than 100 Palestinian communities have been displaced or erased by the settler violence and the ever-encroaching sheep.
“Whenever you have ethnic religious communities, especially in the Middle East, fighting over land and resources, that conflict sometimes gets ugly,” Minster said. “The fact that violence exists doesn’t change the merit of the right that we have to this land.”
Who are the Israeli settlers?
Young shepherds, known as Hilltop Youth, are often behind the violence. They’ve flocked to the West Bank for a sense of adventure, and are told they’re on a God-given mission to redeem the land. They storm Palestinian fields and villages, cut down olive trees, torch cars and destroy property, and harass farmers and livestock. There have been more than 1,600 incidents so far this year, according to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
There’s a hardcore group of up to 500 settlers, and up to 1,000 more people drift in and out.
“Those are kids that are ranging in age between, I don’t know, 15 and 25,” Minster said. “They don’t do great in school. They don’t get into the army that easily because maybe behavioral problems. So some of them end up in places like this, taking care of sheep, doing construction. Some of these kids may have drug problems. They smoke pot. They grow pot.”
U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee has called the settler violence terrorism, describing it as thuggish and disgusting.
“I wouldn’t classify it as terrorism, but are there some children who overreact and act in thuggish ways and need to be controlled and held in? Yeah, definitely,” Minster said.
Palestinians have been killed by settler violence.
“Yes,” Minster acknowledged. “None of this is great and none of this changes the fact that our right to be here is legal and it’s ancient.”
“This is my land”
That is not how the Palestinians who live directly down the hill from Minster’s farm see it.
Mahmoud Faraj’s family has had the deed to this land for generations. 60 Minutes talked to him and his cousin Hassan about their village called Janata, which means paradise in Arabic.
The name was accurate until a group of 20 to 25 settlers showed up on March 26, entering the Faraj family’s land and setting up a “tent,” Hassan said.
“And they started to behave that they are the owners of everything,” Hassan said.
The Hilltop Youth outpost, which Hassan described as a “tent,” is in his backyard, cutting off access to one of their family’s houses.
“This is my cousin’s house over there. He’s not allowed to go there at all,” Mahmoud said.
Faraj family members 60 Minutes
The Israeli settlers are trying to force the villagers to leave, and they’re succeeding, Hassan said. Many homes have been abandoned.
“They steal electricity from the locals and they also steal water,” Hassan said of the settlers. “This is their strategy, to make the area unlivable.”
Every time the family tries to get near their house, they say teens from the outpost rush down to beat them up. In March, Hassan tried with his uncle and cousin Muhammad.
“They started to attack us in small groups with wood sticks and with stones. And they have tear gas. And three of them, they were armed. So one of the armed guys, he started to shoot. He shot my cousin in his head,” Hassan said. “And it didn’t stop here. They came and they started to beat my uncle and his son, who was dead, with wood, with wood sticks.”
The family is skeptical that anyone will be held responsible as only a tiny number of these cases ever get prosecuted.
On another day, Muhammad’s brother, also named Hassan, tried to take 60 Minutes to the family’s house. But within seconds, the Hilltop Youth in their black hoodies came running down the hill. Soon the teens were blocking Hassan from reaching the house in the distance. The teens shoved Hassan, who kept his hands behind his back so they couldn’t accuse him of hitting them.
“This is my land and you won’t stay. These are my roots,” Hassan shouted back in Hebrew.
He was hit again and his nose was broken. One of the Hilltop Youth headbutted Hassan.
Hassan tried to retreat, but he was blocked.
Israeli activists protecting Palestinians from settlers
Hassan wasn’t alone that day when he tried to visit his home. He was joined by a group of Jewish activists, called Sons of Abraham, who work to protect Palestinians under siege. They stepped between Hassan and the teenage settlers, acting as human shields. The idea is that the settlers would be more hesitant to attack other Jews.
“They are trying to push us back. They don’t want us to enter with the cameras. So they are pushing and waiting for someone to react with their hands, so they have an excuse for more extreme violence,” Roie, one of the activists, said.
Most of the activists, like the settlers, grew up in right-wing, religious homes. One of them, Amana, used to be a Hilltop Youth herself. But Amana, Dvir and Roie say Judaism calls on them to protect, not expel, their neighbors.
Sons of Abraham activists 60 Minutes
Some of the Hilltop Youth get angry when they see the Sons of Abraham.
“I think they are angrier because we threaten them ideologically,” Amana said in Hebrew. “And also, I’m not coming from the outside. I also grew up as a settler. I tell them, ‘I changed my ways. I know what you’re doing and I know it’s not the right way.’”
Sometimes the Sons of Abraham and Hilltop Youth recognize each other.
“I think it’s painful for me to see how people I grew up with, and some of them were good friends of mine, behave,” Roie said, acknowledging that they must say the same thing about him.
On the day Roie, Amana and Dvir accompanied Hassan, just as things were getting out of hand, a captain in the Israeli army turned up with soldiers.
In the end, Hassan was kicked off his own property. The Jewish settlers got to stay.
The army’s priority is the settlers, and some soldiers are settlers themselves, and occasionally join the violence.
Though there have also been cases where the soldiers have been attacked by the young settlers.
“People call it ‘settler violence.’ I don’t agree with that,” Roie said. “It is state violence. There is a violence of a government.”
Political landscape in Israel and in the U.S.
Elections in Israel are two weeks away and, so far, the Israeli government has shown an unwillingness to crack down on settler violence in the West Bank.
The Trump administration has called on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to deal with the situation. Netanyahu has condemned the violence, but his government has also poured tens of millions of dollars into expanding sheep farms, arming them and giving them American-made off-roaders.
Midterm elections in the U.S. next month could also change the political landscape. If the Democrats win, they’re threatening to limit military aid to Israel in part, they say, because of the West Bank attacks.
Minster said he worries about American public opinion. While he’s concerned about the potential impact if Israel loses America’s support, he doesn’t look at it as an existential threat.
“I am bothered by the fact that America’s turning on us, and we’re turning on America. It’s, like, I see it as losing a friendship,” he said. “And I’m also concerned that, as a military ally, as a political ally, we may lose America as well. It looks like it’s going in that direction. But Israel will find other allies.”
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