大选前数周,美国联邦竞选经费监管机构无法执法


2026年10月7日 / 美国东部时间早上6:00 / 哥伦比亚广播公司(CBS)新闻

今年7月,纽约州共和党众议员迈克·劳勒和新泽西州民主党众议员乔希·戈特海默尔向联邦选举委员会提出请求:协助确保人工智能聊天机器人不会向选民传递有关2026年中期选举的虚假信息。

这两位议员同时致函联邦选举委员会、司法部和国土安全部,敦促各机构协调应对“人工智能对选举诚信构成的威胁”,并向人工智能企业施压,要求其采取保障措施。美国政治顾问协会基金会9月发布的一项民调显示,目前有四分之一的潜在选民每日使用人工智能工具,至少38%的选民曾通过人工智能搜索摘要获取有关候选人或投票的信息,议员们的担忧正是基于这一背景。

但当月晚些时候,民主党籍联邦选举委员会委员莎娜·布鲁萨德给出了直截了当的答复:该机构无能为力。根据通过《信息自由法》获取的文件,她写道,由于6个委员席位仅填补了2个,联邦选举委员会“无法开展工作”。

布鲁萨德是以委员个人身份签署这封回信的。根据联邦法律,在法定人数(6名委员中需有4名出席)不足的情况下,她甚至无权代表该机构发声。

距离选举日仅四周之际,这封回信揭示了在竞选进入最后阶段时,联邦选举委员会能做的事情有多有限。在法定人数不足的情况下,该机构工作人员只能收集和发布竞选经费报告、回答候选人有关法律的咨询,并处理新的投诉。

但这个负责监管竞选资金募集和支出的机构无法展开调查、处以罚款、制定规则,也无法向候选人提供正式的法律指导。自2025年5月以来,该机构一直无法履行上述任何一项职责。

自那时起,联邦选举委员会未投票决议过任何一起执法案件,也未批准过哪怕1美元的新民事罚款——而这两项工作都需要4名委员投票通过。据该机构记录,在此前的12个月里,该委员会共结案180起,处以约100万美元的民事罚款。

与此同时,联邦选举委员会的执法案件积压量在一年内翻了一番,从154起增至307起,机构数据显示。(联邦选举委员会拒绝对此报道置评。)

劳勒和戈特海默尔并非个例:文件显示,今年其他多位议员要求该委员会展开调查或发布指导意见时,两名留任委员都给出了类似答复。

其中一例是佛罗里达州共和党众议员安娜·保利娜·卢纳,她在4月询问联邦选举委员会,自己能否使用竞选经费支付投票和出席委员会听证会期间的托儿费用。她表示,国会大厦的日托中心只允许家长按全职护理付费。

“请告知我可以怎么做,”她在邮件中写道。次日,一名联邦选举委员会官员回复称,在恢复法定人数之前,委员会无法发布咨询意见。

卢纳在接受采访时表示,她已联系白宫,转达恢复联邦选举委员会法定人数的重要性,以便类似她的问题能够得到解答。

“在联邦选举委员会恢复运作之前,我们将一直处于灰色地带,这就是为什么我们需要他们达到法定人数,给出明确的是或否答案,”卢纳告诉哥伦比亚广播公司新闻,“显然,我们不想惹上麻烦。”

前联邦选举委员会高级律师阿达夫·诺蒂表示,对于那些不太担心惹上麻烦的人来说,这种停摆状态产生了相反的效果。他说,即使在委员会人员齐全的情况下,该机构处理投诉的速度也很少很快,但“一切皆可为之”的观感导致了“比正常情况下更多的边界突破行为”。

诺蒂目前是竞选法律中心的执行董事,这是一个旨在加强竞选经费执法的非营利组织。上个月,该中心提交了一份投诉,指控特朗普总统非法控制支持共和党候选人的亲特朗普超级政治行动委员会“MAGA Inc.”。

投诉援引了特朗普9月在椭圆形办公室的讲话,他称“MAGA Inc.”的战争基金是“我掌控的资金”。本周,在公众对这些广告由纳税人资金资助的质疑声中,特朗普表示“MAGA Inc.”的资金将开始用于支付他的政府一直在投放的以特朗普为主题的电视广告费用。

与候选人不同,像“MAGA Inc.”这样的超级政治行动委员会可以从捐赠者那里筹集无限数额的资金,但联邦法律禁止公职人员控制这些委员会或指导资金的使用方式。

“由于目前完全没有执法机制,违法行为几乎可以不受惩罚,”诺蒂说。(“MAGA Inc.”的一名发言人否认存在任何不当行为,并在一份声明中表示该组织遵守法律。)

保守派人士也感到沮丧。“联邦选举委员会无法开展任何执法行动,这非常令人不安,”保守派非营利组织国家法律与政策中心的律师保罗·卡门纳尔说。今年早些时候,该组织指控纽约州民主党众议员亚历山德里亚·奥卡西奥-科特兹非法使用竞选经费支付精神科医生费用。这起投诉也陷入停滞。(奥卡西奥-科特兹的办公室和竞选团队未置评。)

“我们陷入了瘫痪”

联邦选举委员会的运作陷入瘫痪始于特朗普重返白宫。共和党委员肖恩·库克西2025年1月辞职,加入白宫担任副总统JD·万斯的首席律师。

几周后,特朗普解雇了民主党籍联邦选举委员会主席艾伦·温特劳布,她自2002年起就在该委员会任职,并声称此次解雇是非法的。特朗普声称有权罢免像联邦选举委员会这样的独立机构官员,而国会设立该委员会的初衷是使其独立于白宫运作。

到4月底,共和党委员艾伦·迪克森辞职,使联邦选举委员会的人数低于法定人数。去年10月,共和党议员特雷·特雷诺也辞职,仅剩两名民主党委员。自1974年水门事件后该委员会成立以来,首次出现两大政党中一方没有委员的情况。

“其他人都说我们陷入了瘫痪,我不愿承认,但我们确实瘫痪了,”布鲁萨德当时说道。特朗普于今年2月提名了两名共和党人加入委员会。但近8个月过去了,参议院尚未对这两名提名人举行听证会。

这种瘫痪状态让两党议员都无法得到答案。

加州民主党众议员迈克·莱文今年早些时候要求联邦选举委员会调查匈牙利政府向保守派政治行动会议提供资金的指控。布鲁萨德回复称,由于缺少4名委员,投诉“无法通过执法程序推进”。6月,布鲁萨德和民主党委员达拉·林登鲍姆就另一项请求,向科罗拉多州共和党众议员劳伦·博伯特给出了相同答复。

寻求指导的请求也同样没有结果。今年,加州民主党众议员迈克·汤普森致函联邦选举委员会,询问委员会是否会就候选人及政治行动委员会在Kalshi等预测市场交易是否可算作需根据竞选经费法申报的捐款或支出发布指导意见。布鲁萨德回复称,联邦选举委员会“目前无法启动规则制定程序,也无法发布咨询意见”。

汤普森在发给哥伦比亚广播公司新闻的一份声明中表示,这类市场“很容易被富裕的特殊利益集团操纵”,国会和联邦选举委员会“现在就应该着手处理这个新出现的问题”。

密歇根州民主党参议员埃莉萨·斯洛特金也得到了类似答复。

去年,她的首席法律顾问致函联邦选举委员会,询问如果这位参议员因公职期间发生的事情被起诉,能否使用竞选经费支付辩护律师费用,邮件显示。

斯洛特金的一名发言人表示,此次询问是关于竞选经费如何与参议院批准的责任保险挂钩,并未预期会有诉讼。

创纪录的开支

法定人数不足的问题恰逢史上最昂贵的选举周期。

广告追踪公司AdImpact的数据显示,本届选举周期的政治广告支出预计将达到116亿美元,较2024年增加4亿美元——尽管2024年选举包含了耗资巨大的总统竞选。

其中很大一部分资金难以追踪。哥伦比亚广播公司新闻此前报道,数亿美元资金通过不披露捐赠者的政治团体流转,包括在竞选后期成立并投入资金的临时超级政治行动委员会。

尽管该机构无法处理,候选人和他们的盟友仍在互相提交针对对方的联邦选举委员会投诉。在德克萨斯州,民主党参议院候选人詹姆斯·塔拉里科的竞选团队指控共和党人肯·帕克斯顿非法使用匿名捐款;相关组织表示他们遵守法律。内布拉斯加州的独立参议院候选人丹·奥斯本被保守派批评者指控滥用政治行动委员会和竞选资金,其竞选团队称这是政治动机的指控。

由于没有委员会发布指导意见,竞选团队和资金支出者只能自行判断法律允许的范围,公共公民组织负责道德与竞选经费规则的说客克雷格·霍尔曼说。

“没有人能够评判当前事态的是非曲直、执行法律,也无法向认真寻求指导的候选人和政治委员会提供帮助,”霍尔曼说,“所以每个人都知道,这一次你可以为所欲为。”

Weeks before Election Day, the nation’s campaign finance regulator can’t enforce the law

October 7, 2026 / 6:00 AM EDT / CBS News

In July, Reps. Mike Lawler, a New York Republican, and Josh Gottheimer, a New Jersey Democrat, had a request for the Federal Election Commission: help make sure artificial intelligence chatbots do not feed voters false information about the 2026 midterm elections.

The lawmakers, writing to the FEC as well as the Justice and Homeland Security departments, urged the agencies to coordinate on “AI-driven threats to election integrity” and to press AI companies on their safeguards. Their concerns come as a quarter of likely voters use AI tools daily and at least 38% have gotten information about candidates or voting from AI search summaries, according to a September survey released by the American Association of Political Consultants Foundation.

But later that month, FEC Commissioner Shana Broussard, a Democrat, wrote back with a blunt answer: the agency couldn’t help. With only two of its six commissioner seats filled, the FEC “cannot proceed,” she wrote, according to documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act.

Broussard signed the letter as an individual commissioner. Without a quorum — the four members needed out of a total of six — she could not under federal law even speak for the agency.

With Election Day just four weeks away, the exchange offers a window into how little the FEC can do as campaigns enter their final stretch. Without a quorum, agency staffers are limited to collecting and publishing campaign finance reports, answering questions from candidates about the law and fielding new complaints.

But the agency charged with policing how campaigns raise and spend money can’t open investigations, issue fines, write rules or give candidates formal legal guidance. It hasn’t been able to fulfill any of these duties since May 2025.

Since then, the FEC has not voted to resolve a single enforcement case or approved a dollar in new civil penalties, both of which require four commissioners. In the 12 months before that, it closed 180 cases and imposed about $1 million in civil penalties, according to agency records.

Meanwhile, the FEC’s backlog of enforcement cases has doubled in a year, from 154 to 307, agency data show. (The FEC declined to comment for this story.)

Lawler and Gottheimer were not alone: the FEC’s two remaining commissioners gave similar answers to a number of other lawmakers who asked it to investigate or issue guidance this year, the documents show.

One was Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, a Florida Republican, who asked the FEC in April whether she could use campaign funds to pay for childcare while she voted and attended committee hearings. The Capitol’s daycare center only allows parents to pay for full-time care, she said.

“Please advise on what I can do,” she wrote in an email. An FEC official replied the next day that the commission could not issue advisory opinions until a quorum is restored.

Luna said in an interview that she reached out to the White House to convey the importance of the FEC regaining a quorum, so questions like hers can be answered.

“Until the FEC meets, we’re going to be operating in a gray area, which is why we need them to get a quorum to get a yes or no,” Luna told CBS News. “Obviously, we don’t want to get in trouble.”

For those less worried about getting in trouble, the standstill has had the opposite effect, said Adav Noti, a former top lawyer for the FEC. The agency rarely acts quickly on complaints even with a full commission, he said, but the perception that anything goes has led to “more boundary-pushing than we would otherwise see.”

Noti is now executive director of the Campaign Legal Center, a nonprofit group that seeks to strengthen campaign finance enforcement. Last month, it filed a complaint alleging President Trump illegally controls MAGA Inc., a pro-Trump super PAC that supports Republican candidates.

The complaint cited Mr. Trump’s remarks in September from the Oval Office that MAGA Inc.’s war chest is “my money that I control.” And, this week, the president said MAGA Inc. funds would begin to pay for Trump-focused TV ads that his administration has been running, after public scrutiny over them being funded by taxpayers.

Unlike candidates, super PACs like MAGA Inc. can raise unlimited sums from donors, but federal law bars officeholders from controlling them or directing how that money is spent.

“Since there is just absolutely no enforcement mechanism right now, there’s sort of blanket impunity for lawbreaking,” Noti said. (A spokesperson for MAGA Inc. denied any impropriety and said in a statement that it complies with the law.)

Conservatives are frustrated, too. “It is very disconcerting that the FEC is incapable of carrying out any enforcement actions,” said Paul Kamenar, a lawyer at the National Legal and Policy Center, a conservative nonprofit. Earlier this year, the group accused Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a New York Democrat, of illegally using campaign money to pay a psychiatrist. That complaint is also stalled. (Ocasio-Cortez’s office and campaign did not respond to requests for comment.)

“We are hobbled”

The Federal Election Commission began to unravel as Mr. Trump returned to the White House. Sean Cooksey, a Republican commissioner, resigned in January 2025 to join the White House as a top lawyer for Vice President JD Vance.

Weeks later, Mr. Trump removed Democratic FEC Chairwoman Ellen Weintraub, who had served on the commission since 2002 and claimed the firing was illegal. Mr. Trump has asserted sweeping power to remove officials at independent agencies like the FEC, which Congress set up to operate at arm’s length from the White House.

By the end of April, Republican Commissioner Allen Dickerson had resigned, leaving the FEC one member short of a quorum. And in October of last year, Republican Trey Trainor stepped down too, leaving only two commissioners, both Democrats. For the first time since it was created in 1974 after the Watergate scandal, the FEC had no members from one of the two major parties.

“Other people report that we’re hobbled, and I hate to agree with it, but we are hobbled,” Broussard said at the time. Mr. Trump nominated two Republicans to the commission in February. But nearly eight months later, the Senate has not held a hearing on either nominee.

The paralysis has left lawmakers in both parties without answers.

Rep. Mike Levin, a California Democrat, asked the FEC earlier this year to investigate allegations that Hungary’s government funneled money to the Conservative Political Action Conference. Without four commissioners, Broussard replied, complaints “cannot proceed through the enforcement process.” In June, Broussard and Democratic Commissioner Dara Lindenbaum gave Rep. Lauren Boebert, a Colorado Republican, the same answer on a separate request.

Requests for guidance fared no better. When Rep. Mike Thompson, a California Democrat, wrote to the FEC this year to see if it would consider guidance on whether trading on prediction markets like Kalshi by candidates and PACs could count as a contribution or expenditure that must be reported under campaign finance law, Broussard replied that the FEC “is currently unable to commence rulemakings or to issue advisory opinions.”

Thompson said in a statement to CBS News that such markets “can be easily manipulated by wealthy special interests” and that Congress and the FEC “should be tackling this emerging issue now.”

Sen. Elissa Slotkin, a Michigan Democrat, was sent a similar answer.

Last year, her chief counsel asked the FEC whether campaign money could be used for defense lawyers “if the senator is sued for something that happens in the course of her official employment,” emails show.

A spokesperson for Slotkin said the inquiry was a question about how campaign funds could interact with Senate-sanctioned liability insurance, and that no lawsuit was anticipated.

Record spending

The lack of a quorum is colliding with the most expensive election on record.

Political ad spending is projected to reach $11.6 billion this cycle, up by $400 million from 2024 even though that cycle included an expensive presidential contest, according to the ad-tracking firm AdImpact.

Much of it is hard to trace. Hundreds of millions of dollars have been routed through political groups that do not disclose their donors, including pop-up super PACs that form and spend late in races, CBS News has reported.

Candidates and their allies are still filing FEC complaints against each other, even though the agency cannot act on them. In Texas, Democratic Senate nominee James Talarico’s campaign accused Republican Ken Paxton of illegally spending dark money; the groups involved say they follow the law. Conservative critics have accused independent Senate candidate Dan Osborn in Nebraska of misusing PAC and campaign money, which his campaign called politically motivated.

With no commission to issue guidance, campaigns and spenders are left to decide for themselves what the law allows, said Craig Holman, Public Citizen’s lobbyist on ethics and campaign finance rules.

“We’ve got no one that can judge the merits of what’s going on, enforce the law and provide guidance to candidates and political committees that seriously want it,” Holman said. “So everyone knows you can do whatever you want this time around.”

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