2026-10-04T12:25:34-0400 / https://www.cbsnews.com
美国总统乔·拜登曾濒临对以色列采取“极端措施”,2024年4月以色列军用无人机袭击造成加沙地带七名世界中央厨房援助人员死亡,但据四位总统的中东高级顾问布雷特·麦格克透露,在美国情报显示伊朗即将对以色列发动“前所未有的”空袭后,拜登并未付诸行动。
在周四录制的接受《与玛格丽特·布伦南会面》节目采访时,麦格克称拜登对以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡处理加沙战争的方式“极为不满”。
他表示:“当时如果不是那场即将到来的导弹袭击——我们随后不得不部署军事力量加以应对……我认为我们会对以色列采取相当极端的措施。”他补充说,切断对以色列的武器供应“确实曾摆在台面上”。
美国及其阿拉伯和欧洲盟友协助以色列抵御了伊朗的袭击。麦格克称,此次袭击包括120枚弹道导弹、170架无人机和30枚巡航导弹,“所有武器同时发射升空”。
在将于周二出版的新回忆录《边缘》中,麦格克回忆了拜登与内塔尼亚胡当时的一次紧张对话,拜登曾警告这位总理,他可能会终止武器供应。据哈马斯控制的加沙卫生部数据,当时以色列政府称其认为加沙有130多名人质和约3.4万名加沙人死亡。
“你以为我是圣诞老人吗?以色列没有圣诞老人,伙计,”麦格克援引拜登的话说道。
在接受哥伦比亚广播公司新闻采访时,这位资深外交政策助手回顾了拜登政府对哈马斯2023年10月7日恐怖袭击以色列的最初反应、对以色列在加沙对哈马斯战争的处理、以巴停火及人质释放协议的谈判努力、伊朗的角色,以及多年前就一直在推动的以色列与沙特阿拉伯关系正常化的长期举措。
麦格克已不再为拜登团队工作,目前是美国有线电视新闻网的特约撰稿人。
麦格克:“如果仅仅停止美国对以色列的支持,并不会结束这场危机”
拜登对以哈战争的处理多年来一直受到审视——包括来自其所在政党内部的批评。在2024年总统竞选期间,加沙人道主义危机加剧,拜登政府面临要求停止对以色列军事援助的巨大压力。
美国是以色列最大的武器供应国,向其提供数十亿美元的援助。美国国务院2023年的一份以色列行为审查报告发现,“有理由评估”以色列安全部队使用美国制造武器的方式“不符合”国际人道主义法义务。报告称,加沙的伤亡“包括大量平民伤亡”,引发了“严重质疑,即以色列国防军是否在所有情况下都‘有效使用’了美国制造的武器”。
民主党参议员克里斯·范·霍伦2024年11月在《与玛格丽特·布伦南会面》节目中表示,拜登未能有效利用美国的影响力,他认为在内塔尼亚胡无视其要求后,拜登向以色列“输送了更多炸弹和更多资金”,并指出美国法律禁止向侵犯人权的军事单位运送武器。
自那以后,围绕美以关系未来的辩论持续激烈。一些批评拜登政府未对以色列在加沙的行动做出强硬回应的声音直指麦格克——他曾担任白宫国家安全委员会中东和北非事务协调员,是拜登最具影响力的顾问之一。
麦格克指出,拜登政府确实暂停了部分对以色列的武器转让,包括2000磅级炸弹,但从未全面停止武器供应。他认为,一些呼吁采取更激进措施的声音可能并不会奏效。
“以色列拥有全球最大的军工产业之一,所以认为拜登如果在这条路上走得更远就能阻止战争,我认为历史记录并不支持这一点,”麦格克说道。
麦格克还辩称,对以色列施加过多公开压力可能会强化哈马斯的立场,最终推迟结束加沙战争和释放人质的谈判。
“我回到这个问题:你如何结束这场危机?”他说。“我认为历史记录表明:如果仅仅停止美国对以色列的支持,并不会结束这场危机,反而会让局势变得更糟。”
就在以哈战争爆发的同时,伊朗支持的代理武装对美军的袭击激增。麦格克敦促拜登惩罚伊朗以威慑此类袭击,并对拜登政府内一些不愿袭击伊朗官员的同僚表示了一定的不满。
若伊朗“快速推进”至武器级铀浓缩,将会发生什么
麦格克表示,拜登的目标之一是防止更广泛的地区战争爆发。与此同时,伊朗与以色列之间的定期空袭仍在持续。
2024年12月,麦格克与国家安全顾问杰克·沙利文一同前往以色列,推动与哈马斯达成释放剩余以色列人质的协议。
据麦格克透露,访问期间内塔尼亚胡谈到了打击伊朗的核设施,包括位于福尔多的一处建在山体内部、用于加工和储存高浓缩铀的设施。福尔多是2025年6月特朗普总统下令轰炸的三处伊朗核设施之一,八个月后特朗普政府与以色列军队对伊朗发动了更大规模的战争。
麦格克称,拜登政府在2024年底担忧伊朗“可能快速推进”至武器级铀浓缩,且如果有证据显示伊朗正在制造核弹,官员们准备实施打击。内塔尼亚胡敦促美国不要等到那一步。伊朗一直在积累60%浓缩度的铀储备,距离制造炸弹所需的材料仅一步之遥。
“我们实际上召开了一次 principals委员会会议——也就是所有相关人员围桌而谈——如果我们发现这种情况会怎么做?”麦格克说。“据我回忆,大家一致认为:我们会对福尔多实施打击。但我们并未看到这种情况。我们向伊朗传递了信息:别打这个主意。但内塔尼亚胡显然仍在考虑此事。”
哈马斯与以色列达成停火协议,部分人质在一个月后获释,就在特朗普总统就职、拜登国家安全团队离开白宫的几天前。麦格克表示,他与特朗普的中东特使史蒂夫·威特科夫“达成一致,将紧密协作”。他描述了拜登和特朗普团队如何向哈马斯和以色列双方施压。
哈马斯在2025年10月的另一项停火协议中释放了最后一批在世人质。
美国未发现任何“预警或迹象”表明10月7日袭击将发生
近期,《纽约时报》《大西洋月刊》和以色列报纸《国土报》报道称,埃及和阿联酋官员曾向以色列预警哈马斯正计划发动重大袭击,10月7日袭击事件的背景再次引发关注。内塔尼亚胡强烈否认曾收到任何预警,但以色列本月即将举行的选举中的对手对此表达了愤怒。
哥伦比亚广播公司通过一名前美国官员和一名外交消息人士证实,阿联酋总统穆罕默德·本·扎耶德·阿勒纳哈扬酋长确实在袭击前几周向内塔尼亚胡传递了预警。阿联酋方面获悉哈马斯领导人叶海亚·辛瓦尔正在准备一场重大袭击,但未获得具体情报,如袭击日期、时间或地点。
麦格克告诉哥伦比亚广播公司新闻,美国没有任何情报能够预警哈马斯的10月7日袭击。
“我们的情报系统中没有任何可以作为预警和迹象的信息,”他说。“没有任何美国情报预警或迹象。”
但他表示,以色列应该像美国在9/11袭击后那样,启动官方调查,对本国安全机构和政治领导层进行审查。
“我认为他们根深蒂固地认为哈马斯已被威慑、已被安抚,不会发动任何如此大规模的行动,”麦格克说。“我认为他们的情报系统中存在这种错误假设,缺乏想象力,这是一场悲剧。”
麦格克谈拜登与王储的碰拳:“我曾鼓励总统只是握手”
麦格克称,2023年10月7日袭击发生前数小时,他与沙特阿拉伯驻美国大使里玛·班达尔公主会面,讨论了另一个议题——以色列与沙特阿拉伯关系正常化的潜在路径。
就在几周前,内塔尼亚胡在纽约联合国大会上发表讲话,预言一个新的中东即将到来,其中将包括这个犹太国家与伊斯兰圣地诞生地沙特阿拉伯的关系正常化。
“我相信我们正处于一个更加突破性的时刻:与沙特阿拉伯达成历史性和平,”内塔尼亚胡说道。
麦格克表示,早在2021年1月拜登就职后不久,沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼就向他提出了沙特与以色列建立正式外交关系的想法,该协议本将包括达成巴勒斯坦和平协议的路径。麦格克称,他将这一非同寻常的提议汇报给了总统,但美国并未采取行动。
拜登对沙特持怀疑态度,在2020年民主党初选中誓言将沙特视为“贱民国家”,因为美国情报显示穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼与《华盛顿邮报》专栏作家贾马尔·卡舒吉的谋杀案有关。
麦格克还解释称,拜登不想专注于中东地区,直到2021年8月美国从阿富汗混乱撤军后,美国迫切需要这些海湾国家接纳逃离塔利班的阿富汗盟友,才开始与海湾国家接触。2022年俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后,美国又有求于这些国家, specifically沙特,请求它们增加石油产量以缓解油价飙升。
修复紧张的关系成为美国国家安全的必要之举。麦格克表示,拜登政府早期官员没有更频繁地与沙特接触是一个“错误”。他说服拜登于2022年访问沙特。
麦格克对拜登2022年访问沙特提出了罕见的批评,此次访问正值全球能源价格飙升之际。他回忆称,空军一号在沙特王国的停机坪上停留了18分钟,拜登与助手就在他将如何在王宫会见王储的问题上争论不休。
最终,拜登没有与本·萨勒曼握手,而是以著名的碰拳致意。
“他担心视觉效果和画面,”麦格克告诉哥伦比亚广播公司新闻,“我曾鼓励总统只是握手。”他随后补充道:“我们为了核心国家利益向沙特提出了一些非常艰难的要求,所以我认为这次碰拳让我们的处境倒退了。”
到2023年,美国、以色列和沙特阿拉伯正就关系正常化协议展开谈判,这是一项复杂的协议,可能涉及美国向沙特提供民用核项目,以及以色列在巴勒斯坦领土问题上做出让步。10月7日的袭击破坏了这些谈判——拜登总统经常公开推测哈马斯可能旨在阻止关系正常化。
麦格克表示,他“从未见过任何直接关联的证据”,但并未排除这种可能性。
“哈马斯当然不承认以色列,想要摧毁以色列,我不会对10月7日袭击的动机之一就是破坏这一议程感到惊讶,”麦格克说道,并称沙特与以色列关系正常化的前景“是冷战以来最大的协议之一”。
特朗普总统已恢复了美沙安排的条款,包括承诺开发民用核项目。然而,当前的以色列政府在10月7日袭击后拒绝讨论巴勒斯坦建国问题,加沙战争中的平民死亡人数也让沙特领导人在政治上更难实现关系正常化。
Key Biden aide Brett McGurk on Hamas, Iran, Saudi Arabia and why U.S. nearly took “draconian measures” against Israel
2026-10-04T12:25:34-0400 / https://www.cbsnews.com
President Joe Biden was on the verge of taking “draconian measures” after an Israeli military drone strike killed seven World Central Kitchen aid workers in the Gaza Strip in April 2024, but U.S. intelligence that Iran was about to launch an “unprecedented” aerial attack on Israel prevented Biden from moving forward, according to Brett McGurk, a top Middle East adviser to four presidents.
In an interview with “Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan” taped Thursday, McGurk described Biden as “fed up” with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s handling of the war in Gaza.
“At that moment, if not for that impending missile attack, which we then had to deploy military forces … I think we would have taken some pretty draconian measures against Israel,” he said, adding that cutting off U.S. weapons to Israel “was very much on the table.”
The U.S. and its Arab and European partners helped protect Israel from the Iranian attack, which McGurk said included 120 ballistic missiles, 170 drones and 30 cruise missiles that were “all launched to land at the same time.”
In his new memoir titled “Brink,” which is set to be published Tuesday, McGurk recalled a tense conversation between Biden and Netanyahu around that time in which the U.S. leader warned the prime minister he could end the weapons supply. At the time, the Israeli government said it believed there were more than 130 hostages in Gaza and around 34,000 Gazan deaths, according to the Hamas-run Gaza Ministry of Health.
“You think I’m Santa Claus? No Santa in Israel, pal,” McGurk quotes Biden as saying.
In McGurk’s interview with CBS News, the longtime foreign policy aide recounted the Biden administration’s initial reaction to Hamas’ Oct. 7 terror attack on Israel, its handling of Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza, the efforts to secure an Israel-Hamas ceasefire and hostage release deal, the role of Iran and — starting years earlier — a long-sought push to normalize relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia.
McGurk is no longer working with the Bidens and is currently a CNN contributor.
McGurk: “If you just stop American support for Israel, that is not going to end the crisis”
Biden’s handling of the Israel-Hamas war has drawn years of scrutiny — including from within his own party. During the 2024 presidential campaign, the administration faced intense pressure to stop military aid to Israel amid the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.
The U.S. is the largest weapons supplier to Israel, and provides billions in aid. A 2023 State Department review of Israel’s conduct found that it was “reasonable to assess” that Israeli security forces have used U.S.-made weapons in ways “inconsistent with” international humanitarian law obligations. Casualties in Gaza, “including high levels of civilian casualties,” raised “substantial questions as to whether the IDF is using” U.S.-made weapons “effectively in all cases,” the report said.
Democratic Sen. Chris Van Hollen told “Face the Nation” in November 2024 that Biden didn’t use U.S. leverage effectively, arguing he sent Israel “more bombs and more money” after Netaynahu disregarded his requests, and pointed to U.S. laws blocking arms shipments to military units that violated human rights.
Since then, debates over the future of U.S.-Israel relations have continued to rage. Some of the criticism that the Biden administration was not strong enough in its response to Israeli actions in Gaza has been directed at McGurk, who was the White House National Security Council’s coordinator for the Middle East and North Africa and one of his most influential advisers.
McGurk noted that the Biden administration did pause some weapons transfers to Israel, including 2,000-pound bombs but never instituted a weapons halt. He believes some of the calls to go further may not have been effective.
“Israel also has one of the largest arms industries in the world, so the idea that had Biden gone further on a step on that course, it would have stopped the war, I just think the record does not support that,” McGurk said.
McGurk also argued that exerting too much public pressure on Israel could have hardened Hamas’ stance, ultimately setting back the negotiations to end the war in Gaza and release the hostages.
“I come back to the question: How do you end this crisis?” he said. “And I think the record shows: If you just stop American support for Israel, that is not going to end the crisis, it’s going to make it worse.”
At the same time as the Israel-Hamas war, attacks on U.S. forces by Iranian-backed proxy groups surged. McGurk pushed Biden to punish Iran in an effort to deter the attacks, and expressed some frustration with Biden administration colleagues who were wary of striking Iranian officials in response.
What would’ve happened if Iran “made a dash” toward weapons-grade uranium
McGurk said part of Biden’s goal was to prevent the outbreak of a broader regional war. Meanwhile, periodic aerial attacks between Iran and Israel continued.
In December 2024, McGurk traveled to Israel with national security adviser Jake Sullivan as they worked toward a deal with Hamas to release the remaining Israeli hostages.
During the visit, according to McGurk, Netanyahu talked about taking out nuclear sites in Iran, including at Fordow, a facility built inside a mountain that processed and stored highly enriched uranium. Fordow was one of the three Iranian nuclear sites that President Trump ordered to be bombed in June 2025, eight months before the Trump administration and Israeli forces launched a wider war against Iran.
McGurk said the Biden administration was concerned in late 2024 that Iran “might make a dash” toward making weapons-grade uranium, and officials were open to carrying out strikes if there were evidence obtained that showed Iran was making a bomb. Netanyahu urged the US not to wait for that step. Iran had been building up a stockpile of 60%-enriched uranium, which is a short step from the material required to build a bomb.
“We actually had a principals committee meeting — that’s everybody around the table — what would we do if we see that?” McGurk said. “And as I recall, unanimity on: We would do the strike in Fordow. We didn’t see that. We sent a message to Iran, don’t even think about it. But yet Netanyahu was clearly contemplating that.”
Hamas and Israel struck a ceasefire deal that led to the release of some hostages a month after that, just days before President Trump was inaugurated and the Biden national security team left the White House. McGurk said he and Mr. Trump’s Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff “agreed we’re going to work in lockstep.” He described how the Biden and Trump teams put pressure on both Hamas and Israel.
Hamas released the last living hostages in October 2025, as part of another ceasefire agreement.
U.S. saw no “warning or indicator” of Oct. 7 attack
The circumstances leading up to the Oct. 7 attack have drawn renewed attention in recent weeks, as The New York Times, The Atlantic and the Israeli newspaper Haaretz report on warnings that officials in Egypt and the United Arab Emirates allegedly delivered to Israel that Hamas was planning a major attack. Netanyahu has strongly denied that there were any warnings, but his opponents in Israel’s election later this month have expressed outrage.
CBS has confirmed via a former US official and a diplomatic source that Emirati Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al Nahyan, President of the UAE, did share a warning with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu in the weeks leading up to the attack. The UAE had learned that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar was preparing a major attack but did not have specific intelligence such as a date, time or location.
McGurk told CBS News the U.S. had no intelligence that could have warned about Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack.
“We did not have anything in our system that would have been a warning and indicator,” he said. “No U.S. intelligence of a warning or indicator.”
But he said Israel should launch an official inquiry that probes its own security establishment and political leadership, much like the U.S. did after the 9/11 attacks.
“I think they had an assumption that was deeply ingrained that Hamas was deterred, assuaged, and was not about to do something massive on any scale like this,” McGurk said. “I think that was a false assumption in their system, a failure of imagination, and it was tragic.”
McGurk on the Biden-MBS fist bump: “I encouraged the president to just shake his hand”
Hours before the Oct. 7 2023 attack, McGurk said he met with the Saudi Arabian Ambassador to the U.S., Princess Reema Bandar, to discuss a different issue — a potential pathway for Israel and Saudi Arabia to normalize relations.
Just weeks prior, Prime Minister Netanyahu had stood at the UN General Assembly in New York and predicted a new Middle East to include normalization between the Jewish State and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, birthplace of Islam.
“I believe that we are at the cusp of an even more dramatic breakthrough: an historic peace with Saudi Arabia,” Netanyahu said.
The idea of Saudi Arabia establishing formal diplomatic ties with Israel had been floated to McGurk by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman nearly two years earlier, in January 2021, shortly after Biden took office, McGurk said, a deal that would have included a pathway to a Palestinian peace agreement. McGurk said he reported that extraordinary offer back to the President, but the U.S. did not act on it.
Biden was skeptical of Saudi Arabia, vowing in the 2020 Democratic primaries to treat the kingdom as a “pariah” due to U.S. intelligence indicating that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman was linked to the murder of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi.
McGurk also explained that Biden did not want to focus on the Middle East, and only reached out to the Gulf States after the chaotic August 2021 U.S. exit from Afghanistan caused the emergency need for the U.S. to ask those governments to take in Afghan allies fleeing the Taliban. The U.S. needed another favor in 2022 when Russia invaded Ukraine, and turned again to the Gulf states, specifically Saudi Arabia, asking them to pump more oil to alleviate a spike in prices.
Rebuilding frayed relations because a necessity for U.S. national security. McGurk said it was a “mistake” that administration officials did not engage with Saudi Arabia more frequently early in Biden’s term. He convinced him to visit in 2022.
McGurk offered rare criticism of Biden over his 2022 visit to Saudi Arabia, which came during a global spike in energy prices. He recounts that for 18 minutes Air Force One sat on the tarmac in the Kingdom as Biden argued with aides over how he would greet the Crown Price at his palace.
Rather than shaking bin Salman’s hand, Biden famously gave him a fist bump.
“He was concerned about the optics and the imagery,” McGurk told CBS News, and “I encouraged the president to just shake his hand.” He later said: “We were asking some very hard things to the Saudis that we needed for our core interests, and so I think the fist bump set us back.”
By 2023, the U.S., Israel and Saudi Arabia were working toward a normalization agreement, a complicated deal that likely would have involved the U.S. offering Saudi Arabia a civil nuclear program and Israel agreeing to concessions around the Palestinian territories. The Oct. 7 attack derailed those talks — and President Biden often openly theorized that Hamas may have sought to prevent normalization.
McGurk said he “never saw anything to tie a direct connection,” but didn’t rule out that idea.
“Hamas, of course, does not recognize Israel, wants to destroy Israel, and I would not be surprised if one of the motivations on October 7th was to knock this agenda off the table,” McGurk said, calling the prospect of Saudi-Israeli normalization “one of the biggest deals since the Cold War.”
President Trump has revived the terms of that U.S.-Saudi arrangement, including the pledge to develop a civil nuclear program. However, the current Israel government has refused to discuss a Palestinian state in the wake of Oct 7 attacks, and the civilian death toll in Gaza from the war makes normalization more politically difficult for Saudi leaders.
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