2026-11-13T11:00:15.228Z / CNN
在2026年中期选举的最后几周,全国范围内的共和党候选人开始面临一种不寻常的攻击路线。在这场被广泛视为对特朗普政府公投的选举中,他们中的许多人突然被指责不够保守。
一连串的自动拨号电话和短信警告称,选票上的共和党人背叛了保守派原则。政治邮件抨击共和党候选人秉持自由派政策。这些信息传递了一个始终如一的替代方案:鲜为人知的自由意志党或第三方候选人,被塑造成真正的保守派。
这些信息背后是三个今年才成立的鲜为人知的政治组织,其中一个仅在上个月才成立:我们的遗产至关重要(Our Heritage Matters)、美国锻造联盟(American Forge Coalition)和爱国义务倡议(Patriotic Duty Initiative)。尽管它们名称不同,但CNN查阅的公司和联邦选举记录显示,这三个组织都与同一位盐湖城会计师有关联。
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最活跃的超级政治行动委员会(超级PAC)——我们的遗产至关重要——在选举日不到三周前成立,报告在35个众议院和参议院竞选中花费了850多万美元,包括两场民主党最终获胜的备受关注的参议院竞选。
这种支出在一些竞争最为激烈的众议院竞选中可能最为关键。在其中两场竞选中,一场在俄亥俄州,另一场在南卡罗来纳州,自由意志党候选人获得的票数超过了共和党失利的差距。由于联邦选举法律禁止超级PAC与候选人或其竞选活动协调,这些努力推动的自由意志党候选人几乎可以肯定是其不知情的受益者。
“我不知道背景里发生了这些事,”在俄亥俄州第10选区以自由意志党身份参选的托马斯·麦克马斯特斯说,他在我们的遗产至关重要支付的一系列短信中被反复称赞。
根据CNN从反自动拨号电话公司Nomorobo获得的信息,其中一条短信警告选民“阻止自由派和假共和党人夺走我们的枪支”,然后称赞麦克马斯特斯是第二修正案权利的捍卫者,并敦促收件人投票给他。麦克马斯特斯最终获得第三名,共8906票,而该选区的民主党人克里斯蒂娜·尼克贝克以4938票的优势击败了共和党现任众议员迈克·特纳。
“如果他们正确传达了我的信息,我就没有问题,”麦克马斯特斯告诉CNN,“但如果真正的目标是支持尼克贝克,他们应该表明自己支持尼克贝克。”
这场最后一刻的支出行动让人们看到了越来越透明的外部政治支出世界,在这个领域,匿名捐助者支持的团体可以向竞争激烈的竞选中投入数百万美元,而永远不必披露自身身份或资金来源。
自2010年最高法院的“公民联合”裁决为无限制的外部支出打开大门以来,不披露捐助者的超级PAC和非营利组织已成为美国选举中日益强大且模糊的力量。团体几乎可以一夜之间成立,投入大量资金影响竞争性竞选,然后消失,而永远无需披露其资金来源。
据Open Secrets的数据,这种“黑暗资金”在2026年中期选举期间至少占了14.7亿美元的支出,超过了2024年的13.5亿美元。
CNN对数百份联邦竞选财务记录、自动拨号电话、竞选邮件和选举结果的分析显示了最后一刻支出行动的规模,以及将保守派选民从共和党候选人中拉走的策略。
这些团体依赖一种固定的策略:自动拨号电话和邮件指责共和党在堕胎、枪支权利和移民问题上抛弃了保守原则,同时提出一个鲜为人知的自由意志党作为真正的保守派替代方案。
“今年在明尼苏达州只有一位保守派人士参选美国参议院,她的名字是丽贝卡·惠廷,”我们的遗产至关重要通过反自动拨号电话公司Nomorobo获得的一则自动拨号电话中说道。
这段录音是CNN审查的数十则录音之一,它指责共和党参议院提名者米歇尔·塔福亚在堕胎和枪支权利问题上支持自由派立场,提出自由意志党提名者惠廷作为保守派替代方案。塔福亚以两位数的差距落败。
在密歇根州,我们的遗产至关重要的另一则自动拨号电话指责共和党众议员汤姆·巴雷特支持扩大政府监控。
“像巴雷特这样的‘间谍国家’政客正在带头扩大政府监控,他们毫不介意让AI驱动的大型科技公司利用数据中心追踪我们的一举一动,”录音中说道。巴雷特在连任竞选失败,我们的遗产至关重要报告花费了超过6.8万美元反对他。
在亚利桑那州,我们的遗产至关重要的一则政治邮件用墨西哥国旗的照片 targeting 共和党众议员胡安·西斯内罗斯,并警告称他是“墨西哥出生的共和党异类(RINO)”,指责他利用职位“把墨西哥放在首位”。
除了俄亥俄州第10选区的麦克马斯特斯,南卡罗来纳州第1选区的自由意志党候选人获得的票数也超过了共和党失利的差距。在我们的遗产至关重要支付的信息攻势之后,自由意志党候选人威廉·里赛德获得了5351票,而民主党人南希·拉科雷以3352票的优势击败了共和党人珍妮·科斯塔·汉尼卡特。
在那场竞选中,一则信息将里赛德描绘成非法移民的强硬反对者,宣称他是唯一能够对抗“罪犯非法移民浪潮”的候选人。另一则短信告诉选民,他们不必在“国会的两个糟糕选择”之间做选择,反而推荐里赛德为“美国优先”的保守派。
这些信息引导选民访问我们的遗产至关重要的网站。
这项努力还延伸到一些全国最受关注的参议院竞选,该组织在报告支出中集中了数百万美元。
在堪萨斯州,我们的遗产至关重要报告花费了超过85万美元反对共和党参议员罗杰·马歇尔,并花费了另外60.9万美元支持他的对手之一,自由意志党人大卫·格雷厄姆。在爱荷华州,该组织报告花费了超过56.7万美元反对共和党人阿什利·欣森,并花费了近71.6万美元推广该选区的自由意志党人托马斯·莱恩。
两场竞选均由民主党人获胜,不过在每场竞选中,民主党候选人的胜利幅度都超过了自由意志党候选人获得的票数。
莱恩告诉CNN,至少有三个组织支付了支持他参选的广告,但表示他不知道是谁在为这些支出提供资金,也不知道其动机是什么。“我和我的竞选团队对它们概不负责,”莱恩谈到这些邮件时说道,“它们是在我不知情或未经我允许的情况下发送的。我认为国会应该立法推翻‘公民联合’裁决,禁止所有企业在我们的选举中支出。”
一些攻击尤为尖锐。
“如果你是基督徒,有一件事你应该知道,”一则针对马歇尔的自动拨号电话以这样的话开始,然后指控这位身为医生的共和党参议员亲自实施过堕胎手术。马歇尔否认自己曾实施过堕胎。
与此同时,爱国义务倡议(Patriotic Duty Initiative)传播了自己的自动拨号电话,批评共和党候选人在移民、国家安全和退伍军人福利方面的表现。其他电话则推广鲜为人知的候选人。
在亚利桑那州,爱国义务倡议称赞自由意志党国会候选人杰里米·彼得斯的强硬移民立场,并鼓励听众致电感谢他为确保边境安全而奋斗。
在南卡罗来纳州,爱国义务倡议在国家安全方面针对共和党参议员达琳·格雷厄姆。“如果你担心共产党中国,不要挂电话,”录音中说道,然后引用格雷厄姆的话称,“国家安全不是我的专长。”
美国锻造联盟(American Forge Coalition)通过政治邮件采用了类似的信息。
根据福克斯新闻的报道,该组织在纽约、宾夕法尼亚州、爱荷华州、弗吉尼亚州和北卡罗来纳州有竞争力的众议院选区 targeting 共和党候选人,将他们描绘成在包括移民在内的问题上不够保守。
在宾夕法尼亚州,美国锻造联盟发送邮件 targeting 共和党众议员布赖恩·菲茨帕特里克,指责他支持对无证移民“大规模大赦”并让罪犯逃脱正义。
这些攻击促使人们在选举日向选民发出警告。CNN获得的短信指责美国锻造联盟和我们的遗产至关重要传播关于共和党候选人的虚假信息,试图压低共和党投票率。
“不要被他们愚弄,”这些信息警告,敦促收件人投票,并提供了一个电话号码寻求帮助,CNN追查后发现该号码属于巴克斯县共和党委员会。
联邦选举记录显示,我们的遗产至关重要超级PAC报告的所有独立支出都归因于两家特拉华州公司,它们于10月6日成立,仅在该组织向联邦选举监管机构注册的9天前。Chase Grove LLC被记录支出约710万美元,主要用于数字广告,而Good Way Associates被记录约140万美元用于政治邮件、短信和电话广告。
另外两个组织——美国锻造联盟和爱国义务倡议——的财务状况模糊得多,它们于5月在特拉华州注册为非营利组织,声明有意运营501(c)(4)社会福利组织。
与超级PAC不同,这两个组织都没有公开披露可比的选举相关支出账目,因此很难确定这三个组织联合起来花了多少钱反对共和党候选人,或者是谁为它们的努力提供了资金。超级PAC需在12月3日之前提交报告披露其捐助者,也就是选民投票后整整一个月。
尽管名称不同,这三个组织至少有一个已记录的联系。CNN获得的公司记录显示,盐湖城会计师迈克·麦考利在5月19日于特拉华州同时成立了美国锻造联盟和爱国义务倡议。
麦考利没有回应置评请求,其他组织也没有。
这些组织成立为无股权的非营利公司,声明有意运营501(c)(4)社会福利组织,这类组织通常无需公开披露其捐助者。
五个月后,麦考利被列为我们的遗产至关重要的财务主管,当时这家超级PAC在10月15日向联邦选举委员会注册,也就是选举日前仅19天。
麦考利的公司为政治组织提供会计和合规服务,过去曾与共和党合作过。
虽然记录显示这些组织有共同联系,但并未显示它们是否共享捐助者、政治战略家或供应商,或者是否协调过任何活动。
我们的遗产至关重要的成立时机意味着选民在投票时不知道是谁为这家超级PAC的最后一刻竞选提供资金。该组织于10月15日向联邦选举委员会注册,就在选举前竞选财务披露的报告期结束后的一天。
尽管超级PAC必须在进行符合条件的独立支出时进行报告,但它无需在选举前提交第一份识别捐助者的常规财务报告。
对于美国锻造联盟和爱国义务倡议来说,情况更不明朗,而且可能会一直如此。作为按照501(c)(4)社会福利组织税法成立的组织,它们通常无需公开识别其捐助者。
结果是,即使在选举日后,这三个组织活动的全部规模以及为它们提供资金的人的身份仍然未知。
Millions in secret money fueled a last-minute campaign to turn conservatives against Republican candidates
2026-11-13T11:00:15.228Z / CNN
In the final weeks of the 2026 midterms, Republican candidates across the country began to face an unusual line of attack. In an election widely viewed as a referendum on the Trump administration, suddenly many of them were accused of being insufficiently conservative.
A cascade of robocalls and text messages warned that Republicans on the ballot had betrayed conservative principles. Political mailers accused GOP candidates of embracing liberal policies. The messages offered a consistent alternative: little-known Libertarian or third-party candidates who were portrayed as true conservatives.
Behind those messages were three obscure political organizations that did not exist until this year, including one formed just last month: Our Heritage Matters, American Forge Coalition and Patriotic Duty Initiative. While they operated under different names, corporate and federal election records reviewed by CNN link all three to the same Salt Lake City accountant.
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The most prolific, Our Heritage Matters, a super PAC, emerged less than three weeks before Election Day and reported spending more than $8.5 million across 35 House and Senate races, including two closely watched Senate contests that Democrats ultimately won.
That spending may have mattered most in some of the closest House races. In two of those races, one in Ohio, the other in South Carolina, the Libertarian candidate received more votes than the Republican margin of defeat. Since federal election law prohibits super PACs from coordinating with candidates or their campaigns, the Libertarians boosted by these efforts were almost certainly unwitting beneficiaries of them.
“I had no idea any of this was going on in the background,” said Thomas McMasters, who ran as a Libertarian in Ohio’s 10th District, and who was routinely praised in a series of text messages paid for by Our Heritage Matters.
According to messages obtained by CNN from the anti-robocall firm Nomorobo, one text message warned voters to “STOP liberals and Fake Republicans from TAKING OUR GUNS,” before praising McMasters as a defender of Second Amendment rights and urging recipients to vote for him. McMasters ended up in third place, with 8,906 votes, while the Democrat in the race, Kristina Knickerbocker, beat Republican incumbent Rep. Mike Turner by 4,938 votes.
“If they’re conveying my message properly, I don’t have a problem with them,” McMasters told CNN. “But if the real objective was to support Knickerbocker they should have to say they’re supporting Knickerbocker.”
The last-minute spending operation offers a unique window into the increasingly opaque world of outside political spending, where groups, backed by anonymous donors, can pour millions of dollars into close races without ever having to disclose who they are or where their money comes from.
In the years since the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United decision opened the door to unlimited outside spending, super PACs and nonprofits that don’t disclose their donors have grown into an increasingly powerful and murky opaque force in American elections. Groups can emerge virtually overnight, spend heavily to influence competitive races and then vanish without ever disclosing the source of their money.
That kind of dark money accounted for at least $1.47 billion in spending during the 2026 midterms, exceeding the $1.35 billion spent in 2024, according to Open Secrets.
A CNN analysis of hundreds of federal campaign finance records, political robocalls, campaign mailers and election results reveal the scale of the last-minute spending effort and the tactics used to peel conservative voters away from Republican candidates.
The groups relied on a consistent playbook: robocalls and mailers accusing Republicans of abandoning conservative principles on abortion, gun rights and immigration, while presenting a little-known Libertarian as the true conservative alternative.
“There is only one conservative running for US Senate in Minnesota this year and her name is Rebecca Whiting,” said one robocall from Our Heritage Matters obtained by CNN from the anti-robocall firm Nomorobo.
The recording, one of dozens reviewed by CNN, accused Republican Senate nominee Michele Tafoya of supporting liberal positions on abortion and gun rights, presenting Whiting, the Libertarian nominee, as the conservative alternative. Tafoya lost by double-digits.
In Michigan, another robocall from Our Heritage Matters accused Republican Rep. Tom Barrett of supporting expanded government surveillance.
“Spy State politicians like Barrett are leading the charge to expand government surveillance, and they have no problem letting AI-powered big tech companies use data centers to track our every move,” the recording said. Barrett lost his reelection bid. Our Heritage Matters reported spending more than $68,000 opposing him.
In Arizona, a political mailer from Our Heritage Matters targeted Republican Rep. Juan Ciscomani with a photo of a Mexican flag and a warning labeling him a “Mexican-born RINO,” accusing him of using his position to “put Mexico first.”
Along with McMasters in Ohio’s 10th District, the Libertarian candidate in South Carolina’s 1st District also got more votes than the Republican lost by. Following a messaging blitz paid for by Our Heritage Matters, Libertarian William Reeside received 5,351 votes, while Democrat Nancy Lacore beat Republican Jenny Costa Honeycutt by 3,352 votes.
During that campaign, one message portrayed Reeside as a hardline opponent of illegal immigration, declaring that he was the only candidate who would fight a “tidal wave of criminal illegals.” A separate text told voters they didn’t have to choose between “two bad choices for Congress,” instead promoting Reeside as an “America First” conservative.
The messages directed voters to Our Heritage Matters’ website.
The effort also extended into some of the nation’s most closely watched Senate races, where the group concentrated millions of dollars in reported expenditures.
In Kansas, Our Heritage Matters reported spending more than $850,000 opposing Republican Sen. Roger Marshall and another $609,000 supporting one of his opponents, Libertarian David Graham. In Iowa, it reported more than $567,000 opposing Republican Ashley Hinson and nearly $716,000 promoting the Libertarian in that race, Thomas Laehn.
Democrats won both contests, though in each race the Democratic candidate’s margin of victory exceeded the number of votes received by the Libertarian candidate.
Laehn told CNN that at least three organizations paid for advertisements supporting his candidacy, but said he did not know who was behind the spending or what motivated it. “Neither I nor my campaign bear any responsibility for them,” Laehn said of the mailers. “They were sent without my knowledge or permission. I believe Congress should enact legislation overturning Citizens United and prohibiting all corporate spending in our elections.”
Some of the attacks were particularly pointed.
“If you’re a Christian, there’s something you should know,” a robocall targeting Marshall began, before alleging that the Republican senator, a physician, had personally terminated pregancies. Marshall denied ever performing abortions.
Patriotic Duty Initiative, meanwhile, circulated its own robocalls criticizing Republican candidates over immigration, national security and veterans’ benefits. Other calls promoted lesser-known candidates.
In Arizona, Patriotic Duty Initiative praised Libertarian congressional candidate Jereme Peters for his hardline immigration positions and encouraged listeners to call and thank him for fighting to secure the border.
In South Carolina, Patriotic Duty Initiative targeted Republican Sen. Darline Graham over national security. “If you’re worried about Communist China, don’t hang up,” the recording says, before citing Graham saying, “national security is not my thing.”
American Forge Coalition employed similar messaging through political mailers.
The organization targeted Republican candidates in competitive House races in New York, Pennsylvania, Iowa, Virginia and North Carolina, according to Fox News, portraying them as insufficiently conservative on issues including immigration.
In Pennsylvania, American Forge Coalition sent mailers targeting Republican Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick, accusing him of supporting “mass amnesty” for undocumented immigrants and allowing criminals to escape justice.
The attacks prompted warnings to voters on Election Day. Text messages obtained by CNN accused American Forge Coalition and Our Heritage Matters of spreading false information about Republican candidates in an effort to suppress GOP turnout.
“Do Not be fooled by them,” the messages warned, urging recipients to vote and providing a phone number for assistance that CNN traced to the Bucks County Republican Committee.
Federal election records show that all of the Our Heritage Matters super PAC’s reported independent expenditures were attributed to two Delaware companies formed on October 6, just nine days before the organization registered with federal election regulators. Chase Grove LLC was listed for approximately $7.1 million in expenditures, primarily for digital advertising, while Good Way Associates was listed for approximately $1.4 million for political mail, text messages and telephone advertising.
The financial picture is much murkier for the other two organizations, American Forge Coalition and Patriotic Duty Initiative, which were incorporated in Delaware in May as nonprofits with stated intentions of operating as 501(c)(4) social-welfare groups.
Unlike the super PAC, neither organization has publicly disclosed a comparable accounting of its election-related spending, making it difficult to determine how much the three groups collectively spent targeting Republican candidates — or who financed their efforts. The super PAC is required to report their donors in a report by December 3, a full month after voters cast their ballots.
Despite operating under different names, the three organizations shared at least one documented connection. Corporate records obtained by CNN show that Mike McCauley, a Salt Lake City accountant, incorporated both American Forge Coalition and Patriotic Duty Initiative in Delaware on May 19, the same day.
McCauley did not respond to a request for comment, nor did any of the groups.
The organizations were formed as nonprofit, nonstock corporations with stated intentions of operating as 501(c)(4) social-welfare groups, which generally are not required to publicly disclose their donors.
Five months later, McCauley was listed as the treasurer of Our Heritage Matters when the super PAC registered with the Federal Election Commission on October 15, just 19 days before Election Day.
McCauley’s firm provides accounting and compliance services to political organizations and has worked with Republicans in the past.
While the records establish that the groups have a common connection, they do not show whether they shared donors, political strategists or vendors, or whether they coordinated any activities.
The timing of the forming of Our Heritage Matters has meant voters went to the polls without knowing who was financing the super PAC’s last-minute campaign. The group registered with the FEC on October 15, one day after the reporting period for pre-election campaign finance disclosures had closed.
Although the super PAC was required to report qualifying independent expenditures as it made them, it was not required to file its first regular financial report identifying contributors before Election Day.
For American Forge Coalition and Patriotic Duty Initiative, the picture is even less clear and could remain so. As organizations formed with the intention of operating under the tax rules governing 501(c)(4) social-welfare groups, they would not generally be required to publicly identify their donors.
The result is that, even after Election Day, the full scale of the three groups’ activities — and the identities of the people who financed them — remains unknown.
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