为什么你的政党在选举日会(或不会)表现出色


2026-11-02 / CNN

选举日就在明天,尽管民主党被寄予厚望,但要确切知道国会控制权争夺战的结果仍不可能。

许多民主党人担心民调会再次高估本党参选人实力,而唐纳德·特朗普总统和部分共和党人在最后几天似乎较为乐观。

那么,如果共和党表现超出预期,甚至维持多数席位会怎样?如果民主党创下中期选举历史性佳绩又会怎样?

让我们逐一分析这些场景的发生可能性。

民调出错

《华盛顿邮报》周五公布的堪萨斯州参议院民调,凸显了民主党最坏的设想:民调(尤其是红州的民调)可能因共和党人响应度偏低,系统性地低估该党支持率。

这种“无应答偏差”曾导致2016年和2020年总统大选民调出现误差。在特朗普时代的中期选举中,这种偏差虽未频繁出现,但并非不可能发生。鉴于民主党目前正全力争夺大量红州席位,这种偏差可能会大幅削弱他们的席位涨幅。

参议院选区地图过于偏向共和党

试想:即便2024年各州选票均统一向民主党倾斜10个百分点,民主党也只能获得49个参议院席位。换言之,即便创下数十年来最大的普选胜利,民主党仍可能无法拿下参议院,因为今年的战场几乎全是特朗普赢得的州。

民主党需要净增4个席位,这意味着他们至少要翻转两个由特朗普以双位数优势获胜的州(足以凸显民主党竞争的难度:他们仅在2024年哈里斯胜选的一个州主动出击)。

共和党在缅因州和/或密歇根州爆冷胜出

如果民主党失去他们需捍卫的参议院席位——即缅因州、密歇根州或两州都失势,他们需要争取的共和党参议院席位数量就会增加。民主党本该早已拿下这些席位,但目前仍未如愿,部分原因是民主党参议院提名人的表现不及同州的州长候选人。

共和党不公正的选区划分过于成功

传统观点认为众议院大概率会转至民主党掌控。但如果共和党做出意想不到的举动,保住多数席位——甚至只是最大限度遏制民主党席位增长——该党在十年中期主导的不公正选区划分策略可能起了关键作用。民主党因对州政府掌控力不足,无法与之抗衡,这项举措使共和党有望多赢9个席位。他们当然不会全部拿下,但这些安全性更高的共和党席位的创设,抬升了民主党获胜的门槛。

选民对伊朗战争、腐败及其他不受欢迎的特朗普主张漠不关心

特朗普的诸多举措长期不受欢迎,且支持率差距通常较大。但如果共和党表现超出预期,一个重要原因可能是选民对特朗普的行为关注不足,不足以影响选举结果。

或许选民认为他在白宫举办的舞会及自我美化、自我谋利的举动格调低下,但这类行为对特朗普的基本盘而言,远不如文化战争和对抗民主党重要。或许选民不喜欢伊朗战争,但由于这并非一场导致大量美军阵亡的常规地面战争,因此关注度相对较低。

特朗普的历史性不受欢迎

从多项指标来看,特朗普在中期选举前夕是现代史上最不受欢迎的总统。CNN的民调综合显示,他的支持率较反对率低30个百分点,仅34%的人认可他的工作表现,64%的人持反对态度。此外,特朗普的存在感极强,共和党几乎不可能与他划清界限。即便参议院选区地图对共和党极为有利,当选民以近2:1的比例反感共和党代表人物时,选举获胜会极为困难。

特朗普的联盟破裂

特朗普在2024年大选横扫摇摆州,很大程度上得益于年轻选民(尤其是男性)、拉丁裔和少数投票活跃选民的支持大幅增长。但民调显示,这三类群体均已转而强烈反对他。除此之外,他的关税政策和伊朗战争似乎损害了他最可靠的核心群体:无大学学历的白人选民的支持。共和党曾希望特朗普能建立一个持久的新联盟,但由于他不在选票上,该联盟并未成型,如今可能会背弃共和党。

特朗普忽视民生成本控制

特朗普的核心政治败笔可能在于他完全忽视了一项民调中长期被列为选民首要关切的问题:民生成本控制。他之所以能当选,很大程度上是因为前总统拜登执政期间通胀高企,以及他承诺迅速解决通胀问题。

但特朗普不仅推出加剧经济问题的政策——纽约联邦储备银行近期一项研究发现,如果没有他的关税政策,消费者商品总体成本本会下降——他还将民生成本控制称为“骗局”,谎称自己已解决该问题。民调显示,美国民众从不买账:约四分之三的人表示他和政府对民生成本问题关注不足,且更多美国人将经济问题归咎于特朗普,而非以往任何时候归咎于拜登。

承诺落空

与上述两点相关的是,特朗普根本未兑现他的承诺。他曾表示不会发动战争,但还是发动了;他声称将解决通胀问题,但通胀现在更为严重。美联社与NORC合作开展的最新民调显示,54%的美国人认为特朗普未努力兑现承诺。即便在那些声称他努力过的人中,更多人认为他未能真正兑现承诺(28%),而非兑现了承诺(17%)。也就是说,每10名美国人中就有8人认为他未能兑现承诺。

2024年支持特朗普的播客主播乔·罗根一直强调这一点。在经济良好时违背承诺(如同特朗普第一任期那样)是一回事,而在选民核心关切的问题上违背承诺则是另一回事。

共和党以错误方式动员非裔选民

或许没有哪个群体像拉丁裔选民那样大幅转向反对特朗普。这部分是由于他的经济政策,也源于外界普遍认为他过于激进的大规模驱逐移民行动。还有证据表明,最高法院进一步削弱《投票权法案》,以及共和党严重削弱以黑人选民为主的国会选区,可能正在动员黑人选民。这一群体可能在多个民主党重点争夺的 Senate 竞选中发挥关键作用,比如佛罗里达、密西西比、俄亥俄和南卡罗来纳州,以及民主党需捍卫的密歇根州等。

腐败问题

腐败已成为美国民众主要关切的问题——有时民调中甚至超过物价问题。但更重要的是,越来越多的证据表明,选民对腐败的担忧对共和党的影响大于民主党,部分原因是大量关于特朗普自肥及其政府成员显然利用职权谋取私利的报道。CNN和《纽约时报》/锡耶纳学院的民调显示,民主党在该问题上分别领先共和党7个和11个百分点。哥伦比亚广播公司新闻的一项民调则显示,52%的美国人认为如果共和党赢得中期选举,腐败问题会加剧,而仅37%的人认为如果民主党获胜会出现这种情况。

Why your party will (or won’t) have a good Election Day

2026-11-02 / CNN

Election Day is tomorrow, and while there are high expectations for Democrats, it’s impossible to know for certain what will happen in the race for control of Congress.

Many Democrats are worried about the polls overestimating the strength of their candidates again, while President Donald Trump and some in the GOP seem sanguine in the final days.

So, what if Republicans overperform or even keep their majorities? And what if Democrats have a historic midterm?

Let’s break down how each of those scenarios could happen.

The polls were wrong

A Kansas Senate poll released by The Washington Post on Friday epitomized the nightmare scenario for Democrats: that polls — especially in red states — could systematically underestimate Republicans because they don’t respond to them as much.

This “nonresponse bias” led to polls being off in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections. It hasn’t been seen as much in the midterms in the Trump era, but that doesn’t mean it couldn’t happen. And given Democrats are chasing a lot of red territory, this would likely take a big chunk out of their gains.

The Senate map was just so red

Consider this: Even if the margins of the 2024 vote uniformly shifted toward Democrats by 10 points in every state, Democrats would still get to only 49 Senate seats. In other words, they could notch one of the biggest popular-vote victories in decades and still not win the Senate because this year’s battlefield is overwhelmingly made up of Trump states.

Democrats need a net gain of four seats, which requires them flipping at least two states that Trump won by double digits. (To underscore the difficulty of the playing field for Democrats, they are on offense in only one state where Kamala Harris won in 2024.)

The GOP pulled an upset in Maine and/or Michigan

The number of GOP Senate seats Democrats need to pick off increases if they lose the ones they’re defending — namely Maine, Michigan or both. Democrats probably should have put those away by now, but haven’t — in part thanks to Democratic Senate nominees who aren’t running as well as the gubernatorial nominees in the same state.

The GOP’s gerrymandering was too successful

It’s conventional wisdom that the House very likely flips to Democrats. But if Republicans pull the unthinkable and keep their majority — or even just keep Democrats’ gains to a minimum — the GOP’s brazen mid-decade gerrymandering push will likely have played a role. The effort, which Democrats weren’t able to match because they lack as much control in state governments, will have allowed Republicans to win as many as nine additional seats. They surely won’t win all of those, but the creation of those safer GOP seats raised the bar for Democrats.

Voters didn’t care much about the Iran war, corruption and other unpopular Trump ideas

So much of what Trump has done has been unpopular — often by large margins. But if Republicans do better than expected, a big reason might be that voters didn’t care enough about Trump’s actions for them to matter.

Maybe they think his White House ballroom and efforts to glorify and enrich himself are gauche, but that behavior isn’t as important to Trump’s base as culture wars and opposing Democrats. Maybe they don’t like the Iran war, but since it’s not a conventional ground war with many US troop deaths, it’s not as front of mind.

Trump’s historic unpopularity

By many measures, Trump is the most unpopular president in modern history heading into a midterm. He’s 30 points underwater in the CNN Poll of Polls, with 34% approving of his job performance and 64% disapproving. And Trump is so ever-present that it’s nearly impossible for Republicans to distance themselves from him. It’s simply very difficult to win elections — no matter how favorable the Senate map is to Republicans — when people dislike the face of the GOP by a nearly 2-to-1 margin.

Trump’s coalition broke down

Trump swept the swing states in the 2024 election in large part by making big gains with young people (especially men), Latinos and infrequent voters. But the polls suggest all three groups have turned sharply against him. And it’s not just that; his tariffs and the Iran war appear to have damaged Trump’s standing with his most reliable and consistent demographic: White voters without college degrees. The GOP hoped Trump was building a lasting new coalition. But it hasn’t turned out when he hasn’t been on the ballot, and now it might desert the GOP.

Trump’s neglect of affordability

Trump’s cardinal political sin might have been his utter neglect of what almost always polls as voters’ chief concern: affordability. He was elected in large part because of high inflation under former President Joe Biden and his own promises to fix it quickly.

But Trump not only launched policies that exacerbated economic problems — a recent New York Federal Reserve study found the overall cost of consumer goods would have fallen without his tariffs — he also called affordability a “hoax” and falsely claimed he had fixed the problem. Polls showed Americans never bought that, though. Around three-quarters said he and his administration hadn’t focused enough on affordability. And more Americans blame Trump for economic problems than ever blamed Biden.

Broken promises

Related to the two preceding items is that Trump simply didn’t do the things he promised. He said he wasn’t going to start wars, but he did. He said he was going to fix inflation, and it’s now worse. A recent AP-NORC poll found that 54% of Americans said Trump didn’t try to keep his promises. And even among those who said he did try, more said he had failed to actually keep them (28%) than said he kept them (17%). That’s 8 in 10 Americans who said he’s failed to keep his promises.

Podcaster Joe Rogan, who backed Trump in 2024, has been big on this. It’s one thing to break promises when the economy is good (as Trump did in his first term); it’s another to break them on voters’ central issue.

The GOP mobilized non-White voters — in the wrong way

Perhaps no demographic has swung against Trump by as much as Latino voters. That’s in part thanks to his economic policies, but also a mass-deportation effort that is widely seen as overzealous. There is also some evidence that the Supreme Court further weakening the Voting Rights Act and Republicans gutting heavily Black congressional districts could be mobilizing Black voters. That demographic, especially, could play a major role in Senate races that Democrats are targeting such as in Florida, Mississippi, Ohio and South Carolina, as well as those they’re defending like in Michigan.

Corruption

Corruption has emerged as a major concern for Americans — sometimes even polling above prices. But more significantly, there is growing evidence that voters’ concerns about corruption are more of a problem for Republicans than Democrats, perhaps because of a spate of headlines about Trump’s self-enrichment and members of his administration apparently leveraging their positions for financial gain. CNN and New York Times/Siena polls have shown Democrats leading Republicans on the issue by 7 and 11 points, respectively. And a CBS News poll showed 52% of Americans said corruption would increase if Republicans win the midterms versus just 37% who said the same if Democrats won.

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