被解职将军早在对伊战争前就预警导弹防御弹药短缺将持续五年


2026-10-15T16:28:00-0400 / 哥伦比亚广播公司新闻

华盛顿 — 据多名知情美国官员透露,去年12月底,也就是美国对伊朗开战两个月前,陆军参谋长兰迪·乔治将军曾警告称,陆军的导弹防御弹药严重短缺,且短缺状况将再持续五年。国防部长皮特·赫格斯瑟在今年4月对伊战争进行期间将乔治解职。

据向哥伦比亚广播公司新闻透露消息的美国官员称,乔治的风险评估被纳入了五角大楼的《全球兵力管理分配计划》,这是一份经国防部长批准的年度命令,用于确定美军部队和武器在全球的部署地点。

他警告称,终端高空区域防御(THAAD)系统 battery 和爱国者导弹的库存将持续处于战略低位,直至2030年。他的这份评估是为国防部2027财年计划撰写的,早于美以牵头的对伊朗战争爆发,目前这场战争已持续七个月。

这些不愿透露姓名的美国官员表示,他们未获公开发言授权,乔治的评估源于2022年俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后向乌克兰转移爱国者导弹、为防御以色列消耗弹药以及国防工业基地产能下降。

出于安全考虑,哥伦比亚广播公司新闻未披露美国官员提及的具体百分比数据,乔治也拒绝置评。美国官员表示,尽管美国拥有大量进攻性弹药库存,比如联合直接攻击弹药和小直径炸弹,但终端高空区域防御系统(即THAAD)发射装置以及爱国者导弹系统所使用的导弹防御弹药,目前处于战略低风险水平。

THAAD系统是美军最先进的导弹防御系统之一,旨在拦截并摧毁飞行末段的来袭弹道导弹,拦截区域可处于地球大气层内或大气层外边缘。陆军目前拥有8套THAAD发射装置。据无党派机构国会研究服务处2025年的一份报告显示,每套发射装置配备90名士兵,操作6台车载发射架,每台发射架可搭载8枚拦截弹,一套完整的发射装置可操控48枚拦截弹。

爱国者防空系统旨在保护军事设施、部队和其他关键基础设施,抵御来袭的弹道导弹、巡航导弹以及敌方战机。与THAAD发射装置相比,爱国者系统可在更低高度应对更广泛的空中威胁,但两者配合使用时,可构建更有效的多层防御体系,对抗导弹袭击。

当前库存告急的爱国者弹药是爱国者先进能力-3型(PAC-3),这是一种高速地对空拦截弹,通过撞击摧毁来袭的战术弹道导弹和巡航导弹。据向哥伦比亚广播公司新闻透露消息的美国官员称,PAC-3还可击落敌方战机。

“这两种陆军弹药将是对华冲突中使用最频繁的,”退役海军陆战队上校、战略与国际研究中心国防与安全高级顾问马克·坎西恩说道,“例如,标枪导弹的使用量不会太大,因为地面作战规模相对有限,即便炮兵作战也会受限,但防空——导弹防御——的需求将极为巨大。”

战略与国际研究中心今年4月的评估显示,目前国防承包商完成THAAD拦截弹新订单的交付周期为4年零5个月。爱国者PAC-3拦截弹的平均交付周期为3.5年。

战略与国际研究中心的评估称,在对伊战争爆发前,美国截至2026年初的爱国者拦截弹库存约为2300枚左右,战争期间消耗了1050至1430枚,可能耗尽战前库存的61%。预计2026财年仅能交付不到500枚补充弹药。

据战略与国际研究中心的数据,对伊战争爆发前,THAAD系统的拦截弹库存约为355枚,战争期间消耗了190至290枚,约占战前库存的82%。2026财年没有补充弹药的交付计划。在当前的2027财年,美国已申请采购超过800枚THAAD拦截弹。

美国两家最大的国防承包商——洛克希德·马丁公司和雷神技术公司(通过其雷神业务部门)——参与了这些系统及其关键部件的制造。它们近期已签署协议,旨在加快生产速度。

今年1月,洛克希德·马丁公司宣布计划将THAAD拦截弹的年产能从96枚增至400枚,翻两番。

尽管对伊战争导致导弹防御弹药的消耗速度大幅加快,但五角大楼数十年来的军费决策、国防工业基地萎缩以及一系列军事行动中武器消耗速度超过制造商补充速度,共同导致了当前的弹药短缺。

一名美国官员向哥伦比亚广播公司新闻表示,即便美国可以避免在伊朗或其他冲突中继续消耗THAAD或爱国者弹药,要将库存恢复至2025年12月的低位水平,也要等到下一届总统政府的中期选举——也就是2030年。

在接受哥伦比亚广播公司新闻采访时,五角大楼首席发言人肖恩·帕内尔表示:“有关美国弹药短缺的说法是虚假的。当假新闻媒体不负责任地大肆宣扬这些谎言时,其现实后果显而易见:我们的敌人会因此受到鼓舞,向美军发动袭击或为袭击提供支持。”

他补充称,美国仍拥有“在总统选定的时间和地点发动打击所需的一切能力”。

“在多个作战司令部辖区内,”帕内尔说道,“我们已经成功执行了作战任务,同时保持着充足、随时可用的武库,以保卫我们的民众和利益。”

全球弹药使用情况

美军分为11个统一作战司令部,每个司令部负责一个世界区域或专门的军事任务。针对伊朗的作战行动由海军上将布拉德·库珀领导的美国中央司令部负责。

每个作战司令部都需要一定数量的部队和武器。五角大楼使用名为“全球兵力管理”的框架,来决定美军部队、部队单位以及一些最抢手的武器如何部署到全球各地。

《全球兵力管理分配计划》(GFMAP)是这一流程的核心,它明确了将向作战指挥官提供哪些部队、执行哪些任务以及部署时长。

该计划通常围绕联邦财年制定。一般来说,五角大楼进入新财年时,已经有一份针对未来12至24个月预期部署或留守部队的现有计划,而非每次作战指挥官提出部队或武器需求时都从零开始制定。

但该计划并非一成不变。战争爆发、危机升级、任务结束,作战指挥官都会面临需要应对的突发状况。

例如,美国欧洲司令部指挥官可能希望在波兰部署更多爱国者导弹,与此同时美国中央司令部也希望在科威特部署这些装备,而美国印度洋-太平洋司令部也可能出于应对中国相关突发事件的需要,要求配备这些系统。

部队和资产一直在不同区域之间频繁调动——2025年4月的一起案例显示,美国印度洋-太平洋司令部司令塞缪尔·帕帕罗海军上将告诉参议院军事委员会,鉴于也门与伊朗支持的胡塞武装持续交战,陆军已将一个爱国者导弹营从其辖区调至美国中央司令部辖区。

当前武器系统短缺的原因

坎西恩解释称,苏联解体后,美国军事规划者放弃了“美国可能需要与另一个超级大国打持久战”的假设。

“冷战结束后,我们的作战计划是针对伊拉克或朝鲜等国家发动短暂的局部冲突,对于这些国家,我们不需要冷战时期那样庞大的库存,”坎西恩说道,“我们需要的库存规模要小得多。”

他补充道:“我们缩减了工业基地规模。当时有一场著名的‘最后的晚餐’,时任国防部副部长为国防行业高管举办了一场晚宴,他告诉他们,没有足够的资金让所有企业都维持运营,所以你们要么合并,要么退出这个行业,他们也确实这么做了。”

据战略与国际研究中心的分析,由此产生的合并将主要航空航天和国防承包商的数量从51家减少到了5家。

此外,从历史上看,五角大楼的采购决策一直在削减弹药和导弹的开支,以便为战斗机、坦克和战舰腾出资金,尽管他们也承认这些武器对作战至关重要。

坎西恩向哥伦比亚广播公司新闻表示,国防工业基地的整合催生了一个在和平时期高效生产,但无法快速扩大产能的行业。

“我们挤出了所有的应急产能,因为当时人们认为这没有必要。俄乌战争爆发时,我们就陷入了这样的困境,”坎西恩说道,“大约六个月后,我们才意识到,我们没有足够的弹药和装备来打一场持久战。”

在拜登政府时期,美国重新开始关注恢复国防工业基地的应急产能,但这需要时间。随着俄乌战争全面爆发,美国向乌克兰转移了约600枚爱国者拦截弹。不过,并非所有这些武器都来自美国军方库存,其中一些是通过乌克兰安全援助倡议制造的,或是由欧洲国家提供的。

此外,拜登和特朗普两届政府都曾使用爱国者和THAAD拦截弹来防御以色列免受伊朗袭击。在乔治将军发出预警评估的六个月前,美军在“十二日战争”期间发射了约150枚THAAD拦截弹和近80枚爱国者拦截弹。

坎西恩指出,将爱国者和THAAD库存恢复至战前低位水平需要五年时间,这一判断基于“生产进度按计划进行,且没有额外军事行动进一步耗尽库存”的假设。

本文于2026年10月15日下午4点28分首次发表于哥伦比亚广播公司新闻。

Ousted general warned of years-long missile defense shortage before Iran war

2026-10-15T16:28:00-0400 / CBS News

Washington — In late December, two months before the U.S. war with Iran began, Army Chief of Staff Gen. Randy George warned that his service was critically short on missile defense munitions and that the shortage would last another five years, according to multiple U.S. officials familiar with the matter. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth ousted George in April, as the Iran war was underway.

George’s risk analysis appeared in the Pentagon’s Global Force Management Allocation Plan, a defense secretary-approved annual order determining where troops and weapons will be allocated across the globe, according to the U.S. officials who spoke to CBS News.

He warned that the stockpile of Terminal High Altitude Area Defense batteries and Patriot missiles would continue to be strategically low until 2030. His assessment was written for the Defense Department’s plan for fiscal year 2027 and before the outbreak of the U.S.-Israel-led war with Iran, now in its seventh month.

U.S. officials who spoke to CBS News under condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly said his assessment stemmed from the transfer of Patriots to Ukraine after Russia’s invasion in 2022, the expenditure of munitions to defend Israel, and the reduced capacity of the defense industrial base.

CBS News is withholding the exact percentage figures conveyed by U.S. officials because of security concerns, and George declined to comment. U.S. officials say that while the U.S. possesses a significant stockpile of some offensive munitions, like the Joint Direct Attack Munition and Small Diameter Bombs, missile defense munitions used in Terminal High Altitude Area Defense, or THAAD, batteries, and Patriot missile systems are at low strategic-risk levels.

The THAAD system is one of the U.S. military’s most advanced missile defense systems, designed to intercept and destroy incoming ballistic missiles during the final phase of their flight, either inside or just outside Earth’s atmosphere. The Army has eight THAAD batteries. Each battery consists of 90 soldiers who operate six truck-mounted launchers, with each truck possessing eight launchers. A full battery controls 48 interceptors, according to a 2025 report from the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service.

The Patriot air-defense system is designed to protect military installations, troops and other critical infrastructure from incoming ballistic and cruise missiles, as well as hostile aircraft. It can engage a broader range of aerial threats at lower altitudes than a THAAD battery, but when used together, they provide even more effective overlapping layers of defense against missile attacks.

The Patriot munition at a critical low is the Patriot Advanced Capability-3, or PAC-3, a high-velocity surface-to-air interceptor designed to destroy incoming tactical ballistic missiles and cruise missiles by ramming into them. PAC-3s can also bring down enemy aircraft, according to U.S. officials who spoke to CBS News.

“Those are the two Army munitions that would be most heavily used in a conflict with China,” said Mark Cancian, a retired Marine colonel and CSIS Defense and Security senior adviser. “You’re not gonna use that many Javelins, for example, because the amount of ground combat is going to be relatively limited, even artillery will be limited, but air defense — missile defense — that will be huge.”

An April estimate from the Center for Strategic and International Studies showed that it currently takes defense contractors four years and five months to complete delivery of new THAAD interceptor contracts. Patriot PAC-3 interceptor orders have an average delivery time of three and a half years.

CSIS’ estimate said that before the Iran war, the U.S. entered 2026 with roughly 2,300 or so Patriot interceptors and expended between 1,050 and 1,430 during the conflict, potentially consuming as much as 61% of its prewar inventory. Fewer than 500 replenishment munitions were expected to be delivered in fiscal year 2026.

The stockpile for THAAD systems prior to the Iran war sat at around 355 interceptors, with the Iran war using between 190 to 290, or about 82% of its prewar inventory, according to CSIS. There were no expected deliveries for replenishment in fiscal year 2026. In the current fiscal year — 2027 — the U.S. has requested more than 800 THAADs.

Two of the nation’s largest defense contractors — Lockheed Martin and RTX, through its Raytheon business — are involved in manufacturing these systems and their key components. They’ve recently signed agreements aimed at accelerating production.

In January, Lockheed Martin announced a plan to quadruple the production capacity of THAADs from 96 to 400 interceptors per year.

While the war with Iran has caused missile defense munitions to be depleted at a much higher rate, decades of Pentagon spending decisions, a shrinking defense industrial base and successive military operations that consume weapons faster than manufacturers can replace them have contributed to the current shortages.

One U.S. official told CBS News that even if the United States could avoid expending additional THAAD or Patriot munitions in Iran or in other conflicts, it would take until the midterm elections of the next presidential administration — 2030 — to replenish the stockpile to the already-low December 2025 levels.

Contacted by CBS News, Pentagon chief spokesman Sean Parnell said, “Claims of U.S. munitions shortages are false. When the Fake News media irresponsibly amplifies these lies, the real-world consequences is clear: our enemies are emboldened to provide — or attack — American troops.”

He added that the U.S. still has “everything required to strike at the time and place of the President’s choosing.”

“Across multiple combatant commands,” Parnell said, “we have already executed successful operations while maintaining a deep, ready arsenal to defend our people and our interests.”

How munitions are used around the world

The U.S. military is divided into 11 unified combatant commands, each responsible for either a region of the world or specialized military mission. For operations against Iran, U.S. Central Command, led by Navy Adm. Brad Cooper, is in charge.

Each combatant command needs a certain number of troops and weapons. The Pentagon uses a framework known as Global Force Management to decide where American troops, their units and some of the military’s most sought-after weapons are sent around the world.

The Global Force Management Allocation Plan, or GFMAP, is at the center of the process, laying out which forces will be provided to combatant commanders, for what missions and for how long.

The plan is typically organized around the federal fiscal year. Generally, the Pentagon enters a new fiscal year with an existing plan for many of the forces expected to deploy or remain deployed during the coming 12 to 24 months, rather than deciding from scratch each time a commander asks for troops or weapons.

But the plan is not set in stone. Wars erupt, crises develop, missions end and commanders are faced with unanticipated events to address.

For instance, the commander of U.S. European Command might want more Patriots in Poland at the same time that U.S. Central Command wants those same resources in Kuwait, while U.S. Indo-Pacific Command may also need the systems for contingencies involving China.

There’s a constant shuffling of troops and assets from one region to another — in one instance in April 2025, Adm. Samuel Paparo, the commander of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, told the Senate Armed Services Committee that the Army had transferred a Patriot battalion from his region to U.S. Central Command amid ongoing fighting with the Iranian-back Houthi rebels in Yemen.

What led to the current weapons systems shortage?

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, American military planners abandoned the assumption that the U.S. might need to fight a prolonged war against another superpower, explained Cancian.

“After the Cold War, we planned on fighting short regional conflicts against countries like Iraq or North Korea. And for those countries we didn’t need the large inventories that we had needed during the Cold War,” Cancian said. “We needed much smaller inventories.”

He added: “We shrank the industrial base. There was the famous ‘Last Supper’ which was literally a dinner that the deputy defense secretary put on for the heads of the defense industry, and he told them there’s not enough money to keep you all in business, so you’re going to have to consolidate or move out of the business, which they did.”

The resulting mergers reduced the number of major aerospace and defense contractors from 51 to five, according to the CSIS analysis.

Also, historically, the Pentagon’s procurement decisions have reduced spending on ammunition and missiles to free up money for fighter jets, tanks and warships, even while acknowledging that those weapons are essential to war fighting.

Cancian told CBS News that the consolidation of the defense industrial base shaped an industry that produces efficiently during peacetime but is not designed to surge production.

“We squeezed all the surge out because it was seen as unnecessary. So, that’s where we end up when the war in Ukraine begins,” said Cancian. “And after six months or so, we realized that we just don’t have enough munitions and equipment for a protracted conflict.”

Under the Biden administration, there was a renewed interest in building surge capabilities back into the defense industrial base but that would take time. As the war between Russia and Ukraine began in full, the U.S. transferred roughly 600 Patriot interceptor missiles to Ukraine. However, not all of those weapons came from American military stockpiles; some were manufactured through the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative or provided by European countries.

Additionally, both Biden and Trump administrations used Patriot and THAAD missile interceptors to defend Israel against Iranian strikes. Six months before Gen. George’s warning assessment, U.S. forces fired roughly 150 THAAD interceptors and almost 80 Patriot interceptors during the Twelve Day War.

Cancian noted that the five-year timeline to bring Patriot and THAAD stockpiles just to the low pre-Iran war levels is based on the assumption that the production schedule stays on track — and that additional military operations do not further deplete the inventory.

This story published first on CBS News at 4:28 p.m. on Oct. 15, 2026.

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