2026-10-14T16:15:36.949Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/14/politics/democrats-senate-candidates-midterms
如果民主党人在下个月的参议院选举中获胜,参议院新的摇摆派议员将是一个颇为有趣的群体。
他们将是在以两位数优势支持唐纳德·特朗普总统的州当选的民主党人,并且在跨性别权利、石油钻探、移民问题,甚至左翼要求审查特朗普政府的诉求上,与本党保持距离。其中一些人急于宣扬自己愿意与总统合作的态度。
民主党领导层在招募和帮助提名带有温和派标签、深受选民喜爱的候选人方面表现出色。这帮助他们在不利的竞选地图上展开竞争——民主党需要至少赢得两个特朗普以两位数优势获胜的州,才能拿下参议院多数席位。
但如果民主党拿下多数席位,该党将面临一项挑战:如何平衡这些新当选的温和派议员的利益与基础选民的诉求。
这些温和派候选人向右转最常见的议题之一是跨性别运动员问题。爱荷华州州众议员乔希·图雷克、德克萨斯州州众议员詹姆斯·塔拉里科、堪萨斯州牧师亚当·汉密尔顿以及南卡罗来纳州医生安妮·安德鲁斯都支持禁止跨性别学生参加女子运动队——或类似立场。
塔拉里科和安德鲁斯此前都曾支持更广泛的跨性别权利,并为该群体发声。
但在特朗普用反跨性别 slur 攻击安德鲁斯后,这位南卡罗来纳州民主党人拍摄了一段直接面向镜头的广告,她在广告中表示:“我不支持生理男性参加女子体育赛事,也不支持——从未支持过——为未成年人进行变性手术。”她在周日的辩论中补充道:“我不支持对未成年人进行变性手术。”
汉密尔顿在同一天的美国广播公司《本周》节目中也表示:“我认为存在两种生理性别。”
另一项与全国民主党立场决裂的重要议题是移民问题。
“民主党在边境问题上失败了,”安德鲁斯在辩论中说道。塔拉里科曾表示:“乔·拜登及其政府在南部边境问题上让我们失望了。”阿拉斯加民主党前众议员玛丽·佩尔托拉发布广告宣扬自己在边境问题上与本党唱反调的投票记录,包括2024年成为仅有的6名象征性谴责时任副总统卡玛拉·哈里斯和拜登政府边境政策的众议院民主党人之一。
图雷克也多次提及这一议题,包括在本周发布的一则新广告中,一名警长称图雷克“与本党决裂,与共和党人投票支持执法……并打击非法移民”。他确实曾与少数几名民主党人一起投票,将非法入境美国定为爱荷华州的刑事犯罪。
其他分歧领域则更具州特异性。
佩尔托拉的一大核心议题是增加石油和天然气开采。这位阿拉斯加民主党人还吹嘘自己获得了美国全国步枪协会的“A”级评级。
汉密尔顿也谴责了“针对国内能源项目的战争”。这位堪萨斯州民主党人甚至表示,他将考虑实施特朗普曾提出但后来否决的临时柴油出口禁令,以期降低油价(尽管专家对这一想法持怀疑态度)。汉密尔顿最近还暗示,他不太认同一些民主党人调查特朗普政府官员的诉求,称他更倾向于设立“监管护栏”。
“我去华盛顿不是为了举行听证会,”他在接受MS NOW采访时表示,“我去华盛顿是为了为堪萨斯州人民奋斗,让他们的生活变得更好。”
如果这类问责成为民主党可能掌控的多数席位的核心关注点,这似乎可能成为一个问题。(鉴于特朗普仍在任,民主党不太可能通过广泛的议程,因此他们的大部分精力可能会投入到这类事务上。)
不过,与此同时,我们并不完全清楚这些情况会如何发展。仅仅因为汉密尔顿表示听证会不是他的工作重点,并不一定意味着他会反对本党朝着这个方向前进,或反对对特朗普官员进行其他形式的问责。
这些民主党人中的许多人只是在象征性层面与本党决裂:他们在言辞上划出了分歧,但并不一定表示他们会在未来两年可能出现的重大议题上投票反对本党。
有迹象表明,随着这类候选人带头参选,美国人对民主党人的好感有所上升。本周的盖洛普民调显示,民主党人的支持率上升至43%——高于去年的35%左右,比共和党人的支持率高出8个百分点。认为民主党“过于自由”的美国人比例也从2022年的55%降至如今的46%。
但如果民主党确实赢得国会众议院或参议院中的一个或两个席位,新获得的权力可能会促使该党左翼阵营大胆发声,进而引发党内潜在的冲突。
在某种程度上,这已是民主党面临的新现实。如今红州数量多于蓝州,特朗普在50个州中的24个州以两位数优势获胜。因此,如果民主党不能在摇摆州全面获胜,就需要推出温和派候选人,才能在偏向共和党的州顺利胜出。
但这并不会让处理这种党内紧张关系变得更容易。
该党基础选民多年来一直对西弗吉尼亚州前民主党参议员乔·曼钦和亚利桑那州的柯尔斯滕·西内玛作为摇摆票的影响力感到苦恼——而宾夕法尼亚州参议员约翰·费特曼明年可能也会面临同样的情况。
而这样的情况可能还会更多。
Democrats have reason to be optimistic, but headaches could be waiting if they win the midterms
2026-10-14T16:15:36.949Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/14/politics/democrats-senate-candidates-midterms
If Democrats win the Senate next month, the chamber’s new swing voters will likely be an interesting cast.
They’ll be Democrats from states that voted for President Donald Trump by double digits, and who have distanced themselves from their party on transgender rights, oil drilling, immigration and even the left’s desire to scrutinize the Trump administration. And some of them are anxious to tout their willingness to work with the president.
Democratic leaders did a good job recruiting and helping nominate candidates with moderate brands whom voters seem to like. That’s helped them compete on a difficult map where the party needs to win at least two states Trump won by double digits to nab the majority.
But if Democrats nab that majority, the party will face a challenge in trying to balance the interests of some of these new moderate lawmakers with the demands of the base.
One of the most common issues where these moderate candidates have tacked to the right has been transgender athletes. Opposition to allowing transgender students to play on girls’ sports teams — or some version of that position — has been embraced by state Rep. Josh Turek in Iowa, state Rep. James Talarico in Texas, pastor Adam Hamilton in Kansas and physician Annie Andrews in South Carolina.
Both Talarico and Andrews had previously embraced a broader version of transgender rights and spoke out on behalf of that community.
But after Trump attacked Andrews using an anti-transgender slur, the South Carolina Democrat filmed a direct-to-camera ad in which she said, “I don’t support biological men playing women’s sports and I don’t support — and haven’t ever performed — gender surgery for minors.” She added in a debate on Sunday: “I don’t support gender surgery on minors.”
Hamilton added the same day on ABC’s “This Week”: “I believe that there are two biological genders.”
Another significant break from the national party has been on immigration.
“Democrats have failed on the border,” Andrews said at the debate. Talarico has said that “Joe Biden and his administration failed us on our southern border.” Alaska Democratic former Rep. Mary Peltola has run an ad touting her votes breaking with her party on the border, including being one of just six House Democrats to symbolically condemn then-Vice President Kamala Harris and the Biden administration’s border policies in 2024.
Turek has also repeatedly returned to that theme, including launching a new ad this week featuring a sheriff saying Turek “broke with his party and voted with Republicans to support law enforcement … and crack down on illegal immigration.” He indeed voted with just a few Democrats to make being in the country illegally a state crime in Iowa.
Other areas of separation are a bit more state specific.
One of Peltola’s big issues is increased oil and gas production. The Alaska Democrat also touts her “A” rating from the National Rifle Association.
Hamilton has also decried the “war on domestic energy projects” The Kansas Democrat even said he’d consider a temporary diesel export ban, which Trump floated and then later ruled out, to hopefully lower prices (despite experts being skeptical of the idea). And Hamilton also recently suggested he’s not overly keen on some Democrats’ desire to investigate Trump administration officials — saying he instead prefers to institute “guardrails.”
“I’m not going to Washington to hold trials,” he told MS NOW. “I’m going to Washington to fight for the people of Kansas and make life better for them.”
That could seemingly be a problem if that kind of accountability becomes a major focus for a potential Democratic majority. (That would likely be where much of Democrats’ energy is devoted since it’s not as if they will be able to pass a far-ranging agenda with Trump still in office.)
At the same time, however, we don’t necessarily know how these situations will pan out. Just because Hamilton says holding trials won’t be his focus, that doesn’t necessarily mean he would oppose his party’s move toward that or other accountability from Trump officials.
Many of these Democrats are breaking with their party in potentially symbolic ways: They’re staking out a rhetorical difference without necessarily indicating that they would vote against the party on major issues that are likely to come up over the next two years.
There is some evidence that Americans have warmed to the Democratic Party as these kinds of candidates have led the charge. A Gallup poll this week showed the party’s favorable rating rising to 43% — up from the mid-30s last year and 8 points higher than Republicans’ favorability. And the percentage of Americans who said the Democratic Party is “too liberal” has declined from 55% in 2022 to 46% today.
But if Democrats do win either or both chambers in Congress, that new power could embolden the party’s left flank to try and assert themselves, leading to potential clashes within the party.
To some degree, that’s the new reality for Democrats. There are simply more red states than blue states these days, and Trump won 24 of the 50 states by double digits. So if Democrats don’t run the table in swing states, they need to run moderate candidates who can win in pretty red territory.
But that won’t make dealing with that tension any easier.
Many in the party’s base have agonized over the sway that moderate former Democratic senators like Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona had as swing votes — and that Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman could have come next year.
And there could be more where that came from.
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