2026-10-07T21:51:41.301Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/07/politics/marco-rubio-greece-speech
在雅典傍晚的金色余晖中，卫城就在身后，马克·卢比奥看起来丝毫不像打算淡出政坛的人。
这位美国国务卿周三在希腊的演讲无疑将再次引发人们对其未来总统竞选意图的猜测。就在中期选举后2028年大选拉开帷幕的几周前，他暗中将自己定位为“让美国优先”运动的继承者与革新者。
卢比奥将西方描述为从古希腊延续至现代美国的文明传承，其核心是“个人主义、不懈的雄心、大胆的探索与创造”，以及责任与英雄主义。但他警告称，这个文明因自身成就感到羞耻、为过往感到尴尬，正面临“萎缩、奴役与衰落”的风险。
“在特朗普总统任期内，美国已经做出了选择。我们选择毫不掩饰地追求国家实力，”卢比奥说道，为这次高调亮相给自己留了政治余地。
一种解读认为，这不过是又一次试图为特朗普反复无常的外交政策补上连贯的理论框架——从针对伊朗的战争式轻率决策、权力攫取，到基于交易原则的资源外交。
而卢比奥只是最新一位哀叹欧洲所谓衰落、未能应对大规模移民、以及将“全球共同体”置于国家利益之上的政府官员。这一套论调去年因副总统JD·万斯在慕尼黑的激昂演讲而广为人知。
但他有时也在试图提出更深刻的构想，勾勒出后“让美国优先”时代的外交政策框架：美国主权与行动仍居首位，同时重振因特朗普的敌视态度而破裂的盟友关系。
“我们必须重建我们的制度与联盟”，以应对新的大国竞争，并回应“全新格局”下的威胁与攻击，卢比奥说道。
他的言论也向军备废弛的欧洲军队传递了一个信号：美国如今期望盟友能为华盛顿提供实实在在的军事协同效应。这暗示尽管特朗普时期之后一切都将不同，但未来的共和党总统仍可能重视经过更新的跨大西洋伙伴关系。
卢比奥试图塑造美国新的外交政策——或许还有更大的图谋？
卢比奥似乎还融合了传统共和党外交政策的三条主线：罗纳德·里根式的强硬国际主义、理查德·尼克松式的现实主义，以及特朗普式的胁迫式民族主义。他或许也在试图诠释自己的政治转变：从有抱负的保守主义转向如今更为灰暗的世界观。（卢比奥的批评者将他转向“让美国优先”运动视为这位为权力不择手段的政治变色龙的愤世嫉俗之举。）
这场演讲同样突兀且自相矛盾。
他是最新一位前往欧洲向欧洲人讲解欧洲历史的特朗普追随者，并采纳了契合美国基督教民族主义右翼需求的西方文明理想化叙事。
当卢比奥像万斯一样哀叹国家主权受到侵蚀时，他似乎无视了法国、德国、意大利及其他欧洲公民之间根深蒂固的国家与文化差异。他无视了20世纪后期领导人为何要将猖獗的民族主义约束在共同的政治与经济框架内的惨痛历史教训。
尽管特朗普团队认为欧洲弊病丛生，但许多欧洲人则认为，腐败且日益威权化的美国才是破坏西方价值观的最大元凶。卢比奥提到“激情”撼动了盟友关系，用这种具有误导性的委婉说法掩盖了特朗普的霸凌行径。
卢比奥将古希腊誉为美国文明的根基，这也忽视了美国开国元勋们的担忧：直接民主会助长派系斗争，催生煽动者。他们为此设计了选举人团制度。
一些欧洲人会对卢比奥的演讲感到不快。但在盟友眼中，他是特朗普外交政策团队中最循规蹈矩、最具亲和力的官员，因此他的言论可能不会像万斯或国防部长皮特·赫格斯的批评那样具有挑衅性。
毋庸置疑，这样一场借助大型竞选演讲视觉效果的雄心勃勃的演讲，必然会引发对总统竞选的猜测。从视觉效果来看，卢比奥的场景让人回想起2008年时任参议员巴拉克·奥巴马在约旦安曼城堡山发表的演讲。
考虑到万斯已占据副总统竞选的领跑位置，卢比奥在2028年参选似乎并不现实。但无论他是在两年后、2032年还是更晚的时候瞄准白宫，卢比奥周三都向世界展示了他的野心从未熄灭。
Marco Rubio uses a dramatic backdrop to sketch a post-MAGA foreign policy
2026-10-07T21:51:41.301Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/07/politics/marco-rubio-greece-speech
In the golden light of an Athens evening, with the Acropolis over his shoulder, Marco Rubio hardly looked like a man planning to ride off into a political sunset.
The secretary of state’s speech in Greece on Wednesday will surely reignite speculation around his future presidential intentions. It implicitly positioned him as both the heir to and the modernizer of the “America First” movement — just weeks before the 2028 race roars into life after the midterm elections.
Rubio depicted the West as a continuous inheritance dating from Ancient Greece to modern America, epitomizing “individuality and relentless ambition, daring exploration and invention” as well as duty and heroism. But he warned that the civilization,ashamed of its achievements and embarrassed by its past, risked “atrophy, servitude and decline.”
“Under President Trump, the United States has made its choice. We choose the unapologetic pursuit of national power,” Rubio said, giving himself some political cover for the high-profile appearance.
One interpretation is that this was yet another bid to retroactively impose doctrinal coherence on Trump’s erratic foreign policy of Iran war-style gut calls, power grabs and a transactional approach to resources.
And Rubio is just the latest administration official to bemoan Europe’s supposed decline; failure to tackle mass immigration; and prioritization of the “global community” over national interest. This canon was hallmarked by Vice President JD Vance’s stemwinder in Munich last year.
Yet he was seeking something deeper, at times, sketching the framework of a post-MAGA foreign policy in which US sovereignty and action remain paramount, while reinvigorating friendships shattered by Trump’s hostility.
“We must rebuild our institutions and alliances” to face new great power rivalries and respond to a “new universe” of threats and attacks, Rubio said.
His comments also reinforced a message to decayed European militaries that the US now expects alliances to offer tangible military multipliers to Washington. It was a hint that while nothing will be the same after Trump, a future Republican president might still value updated transatlantic ties.
Rubio seeks to shape a new American foreign policy — and maybe something more?
Rubio also seemed to be fusing three strands of traditional GOP foreign policy — the muscular internationalism of Ronald Reagan, the realism of Richard Nixon and Trump’s coercive nationalism. He might also have been trying to make sense of his own political evolution from aspirational conservatism to his current, darker worldview. (Rubio’s critics portray his conversion to MAGAism as the cynical act of a political chameleon desperate for power.)
The speech was also jarring and contradictory.
He was the latest Trump acolyte to travel to Europe to explain Europe’s history to Europeans and to adopt an idealized view of Western civilization that fits the needs of America’s Christian nationalist right.
When Rubio laments eroded national sovereignty, like Vance, he seems oblivious to enduring national and cultural differences distinguishing French, German, Italian, and other European citizens. He ignored gruesome history that led late 20th-century leaders to constrain raging nationalism within shared political and economic structures.
And while Trump’s team believes something is rotten in Europe, many Europeans perceive a corrupt and increasingly authoritarian American is most to blame for obliterating Western values. Noting that “passions” have rocked the alliance, Rubio used a deceptive euphemism for Trump’s bullying.
Rubio’s lionizing of the ancient Greeks as foundational to the US also overlooked the founders’ concern that their direct democracy encouraged factionalism and promoted demagogues. Their answer was the Electoral College.
Some Europeans will be offended by Rubio’s speech. But he’s seen by allies as the most conventional and sympathetic Trump foreign policy official, so his comments may be less provocative than rebukes by Vance or Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
Inevitably, such an ambitious speech using the optics of a major campaign address will stir presidential speculation. Visually, Rubio’s setting recalled then-Sen. Barack Obama’s hilltop speech at the Citadel in Amman, Jordan, in 2008.
A Rubio run in 2028 seems problematic with Vance in pole position as the vice president. But whether he next takes aim at the White House in two years, in 2032, or later, Rubio showed the world Wednesday his ambition is unquenched.
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