共和党候选人抨击伊斯兰教法,却在商业中对其示好


2026-09-30T10:00:29.238Z / 美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)

共和党众议院候选人、披萨大亨凯西·阿斯卡尔(Casey Askar)在竞选活动中大力宣扬将伊斯兰教法挡在美国之外。他称这套宗教法律框架是“日益增长的威胁”,并向选民承诺,如果在竞争激烈的佛罗里达选区当选,他将加入“无伊斯兰教法美国核心小组”。

但作为一名寻求新客源的商人,阿斯卡尔对伊斯兰信徒的态度却明显更为友好。

去年他在中东拓展连锁餐厅业务时,与一家宣传其披萨店为“100%清真”的公司建立了合作——他提到的这项饮食禁忌,正是他作为候选人口中危险的伊斯兰传统的一部分。

他还多次前往中东,与沙特阿拉伯等实行伊斯兰教法的国家的商界领袖和王室成员合影留念。

CNN对阿斯卡尔数十项金融资产的调查显示,这种商业行为与竞选言论之间的反差,是这位政客竞选说辞与商人过往记录之间更大冲突的最鲜明例证。尽管他在竞选活动中大肆宣扬自己的美国成功故事,但多年来他一直被指责欺诈其投资伙伴的合作伙伴和指控其违规的监管机构困扰。

“许多公众人物愿意建立良好的合作关系,但当出于政治便利煽动对穆斯林社区的仇恨时,他们也会欣然为之。”美国伊斯兰关系委员会发言人科里·塞勒(Corey Saylor)告诉CNN。

阿斯卡尔在一份声明中表示,他“既没有在中东投资,也没有从中东获得投资,这项商业决策不会改变”。他为自己反对伊斯兰教法的言论进行了辩护。

“我们必须竭尽所能保护我们的公民,免受国内激进伊斯兰分子破坏美国生活方式的企图,”阿斯卡尔说,他没有回应有关其商业记录的更多详细问题。

阿斯卡尔经常在竞选活动中讲述自己从白手起家的故事,从他的家人作为伊拉克基督徒逃离宗教迫害开始。

他们在密歇根州定居,阿斯卡尔在那里长大,随后参军海军陆战队,之后与兄弟合作建立了商业帝国,业务涵盖商业地产和披萨等休闲快餐特许经营。

搬到佛罗里达州二十年后,他的财务披露文件显示,他在这些餐饮企业和其他投资项目中持有数百万美元的资产。作为一名政客,阿斯卡尔大肆宣扬自己的企业家成功经历,称他建立了一个“雇佣数千人”的企业。

CNN对法庭记录、商业备案文件以及前同事的采访还发现,自阿斯卡尔早年创业以来,他就一直伴随着一系列长期的金融和法律纠纷。

2001年卖给这位候选人一辆豪华轿车的一名电工告诉CNN,他在收到阿斯卡尔的一张空头支票后,花了数月时间才追回欠款。他最终起诉了阿斯卡尔——当时阿斯卡尔已经拥有几家当地健身房——及其企业,并在2002年的和解中收回了经济损失。阿斯卡尔最初要求法官驳回此案,但被驳回。

2007年,阿斯卡尔的餐厅特许经营品牌“帕帕·罗马诺披萨”与密歇根州连锁品牌“皮塔先生”合并后,他的前商业伙伴弗兰克·隆巴多(Frank Lombardo)以违反合同和不正当解雇为由起诉了阿斯卡尔。法院裁定阿斯卡尔的企业需向隆巴多支付超过90万美元的赔偿。在一份法律文件中,阿斯卡尔企业的律师指责隆巴多没有诚意谈判,并损害了公司的财务前景。这些判决最终在2012年得以履行。

2016年,佛罗里达州塞米诺尔部落起诉阿斯卡尔的燃油分销企业,指控其窃取商业机密和其他商业不当行为。阿斯卡尔及其同伙随后否认了这些指控。部落法院裁定该公司需支付超过250万美元的赔偿,引发了长达近十年的法律纠纷。该案最终于2024年和解。

最近,阿斯卡尔遇到了康涅狄格州哈特福德市一座废弃办公大楼的重大问题。他的一家公司于2020年收购了这座大楼,计划进行大规模翻新。但阿斯卡尔的公司因该物业产生了数十万美元的留置权和多起诉讼,一名法官认定该企业在法律程序中存在“持续拖延和不遵守规定的模式”。

哈特福德市市长去年将阿斯卡尔列入“问题房东”名单,该市计划于11月将该房产拍卖给出价最高者,以支付超过86万美元的欠税。拍卖将在选举三天后举行。

在法律文件中,阿斯卡尔公司的律师辩称,一名商业伙伴虚假陈述了办公大楼的状况,而新冠疫情对租赁市场的影响使得翻新项目在经济上不可行。

美国联邦选举委员会对阿斯卡尔使用另一处房产提出了异议——他于2019年以290万美元从说唱歌手50 Cent手中买下的一座康涅狄格州大型豪宅。

阿斯卡尔从北方银行信托公司(Northern Bank & Trust Company)获得了300万美元的信贷额度,以该房屋和其他几处房产作为抵押,用于资助他2020年首次竞选国会——但抵押贷款文件显示,这笔贷款原本计划用于改造唐恩都乐门店。

在初选中,阿斯卡尔输给了众议员拜伦·唐纳兹(Byron Donalds)。一名佛罗里达州居民向联邦选举委员会提起投诉,称阿斯卡尔的竞选团队报告了有关这笔贷款的相互矛盾的细节,而且北方银行的首席执行官及其妻子向竞选活动捐赠了超过1.1万美元,根据联邦选举委员会的记录。

当时,阿斯卡尔竞选团队的一名律师在一份文件中辩称,没有发生任何违规行为,并称这笔银行贷款是在“正常商业过程中”发放的,阿斯卡尔有权将该信贷额度的资金借给其竞选团队。

但在2022年,联邦选举委员会发现“有理由相信”阿斯卡尔的竞选团队违反了竞选财务法,未能准确报告有关这笔贷款的信息。佛罗里达州法院记录显示,阿斯卡尔随后起诉了向联邦选举委员会投诉的男子诽谤;一名法官驳回了诉讼,并命令阿斯卡尔支付该男子的律师费。

如今,阿斯卡尔再次主要依靠个人贷款为竞选活动提供资金。截至7月底,他已向竞选团队贷款250万美元——是他收到的约5.8万美元竞选捐款的43倍,联邦选举委员会的记录显示。根据他的财务披露,截至2020年1月,他仍欠北方银行信贷额度100万至500万美元。

阿斯卡尔总共报告称,他在五笔不同的贷款中欠北方银行4100万至1.3亿美元。

阿斯卡尔2020年首次竞选国会时,伊斯兰教并非其竞选活动的主要主题。

但今年,共和党候选人再次表现出对伊斯兰教法的反对。伊斯兰教法是源自《古兰经》和先知传统的伊斯兰宗教和法律框架。上个月在德克萨斯州举行的共和党中期代表大会上,妖魔化穆斯林的言论成为关键主题——众多顶级共和党人将伊斯兰教法称为日益增长的国内威胁。

在竞选活动中,阿斯卡尔也煽动了类似的言辞火焰。据《佛罗里达人报》报道,今年夏天在一场候选人论坛上,他表示“伊斯兰教法极其危险”,“伊斯兰教与基督教根本不相容”。

在本月的9·11周年纪念帖子中,他写道,美国人“必须对伊斯兰教法构成的日益增长的威胁保持警惕”。他还承诺,如果当选,将加入新成立的“无伊斯兰教法美国核心小组”。

阿斯卡尔还声称穆斯林移民对西方社会构成威胁,他在6月的一场论坛上辩称,向欧洲——他称之为“基督教世界”——的大规模移民应该为美国敲响警钟。

本月早些时候,阿斯卡尔再次承诺将加入“无伊斯兰教法美国核心小组”,并写道:“激进伊斯兰是对美国日益增长的威胁,必须予以消除。”

然而,阿斯卡尔的企业在寻求海外扩张时,却试图争取伊斯兰传统信徒。

去年9月,咨询公司“阿拉伯特许经营”(Franchise Arabia)宣布与阿斯卡尔品牌合作,在中东推广其投资组合中的两家餐厅——“萨尔皮诺披萨”和“黑杰克披萨与沙拉”。阿斯卡尔在一份新闻稿中庆祝了这一合作,称赞该地区“蓬勃发展的经济”。

“我们很高兴将我们的品牌带到中东和北非地区,并将我们成熟的特许经营系统介绍给新一代企业家,”他当时说道,使用了中东和北非地区的首字母缩写词。

“阿拉伯特许经营”网站上,阿斯卡尔的这两家披萨连锁店都被标注为“清真特许经营店”。向潜在特许经营者发布的广告,包括上个月发布的视频,同样宣传未来的餐厅将供应“100%清真肉类”——换句话说,符合穆斯林根据宗教饮食法可食用的标准。

合作宣布后不久,阿斯卡尔开始了中东商业“路演”,途经多个将伊斯兰教法作为法律体系基础的国家。“阿拉伯特许经营”首席执行官奥马尔·哈扎阿(Omar Al-Haza’a)于去年10月发布了他此行的照片。哈扎阿自称是总部位于迪拜的“王室家族顾问”。

在哈扎阿分享的几张照片中,阿斯卡尔面带微笑地与高管和王室人士合影,配文庆祝他在该地区扩大业务版图的潜力。其中一张照片中,阿斯卡尔和他的儿子在迪拜与卡塔尔王室成员曼苏尔·萨尼酋长(Sheikh Mansour Al-Thani)合影。

今年2月,哈扎阿发布了一张他与阿斯卡尔以及另一位知名卡塔尔商人的合影。次月,两人又在阿斯卡尔和妻子举办的一场慈善活动中合影。在最近的一篇Instagram帖子中,哈扎阿称阿斯卡尔为“我的好朋友”。

当CNN联系时,“阿拉伯特许经营”的一位发言人以客户保密为由拒绝置评。CNN无法确认这些品牌是否已在中东开设门店。

阿斯卡尔与中东的商业联系似乎早于此次最新合作。根据CNN审查的《外国代理人登记法》文件,2023年11月,阿斯卡尔会见了一家代表沙特阿拉伯大使馆的咨询公司。阿斯卡尔的商业伙伴兼竞选捐赠者也于同月两次与这个与沙特有关的团体会面。目前尚不清楚这些会议的内容。

随着阿斯卡尔宣扬反伊斯兰教法的言论,他在佛罗里达州共和党控制的州议会今年重新划定选区的竞争日益激烈的选区内面临着一场激烈的竞选,该选区此前被重新划定以确保共和党席位。

尽管根据重新划定后的选区边界,特朗普在2024年以10个百分点的优势赢得了阿斯卡尔的选区,但民意调查显示,即使在倾向保守的席位上,共和党全国范围内也面临着民主党人的强劲反弹。政治观察人士将阿斯卡尔的竞选列为全国范围内决定众议院多数席位的最具竞争力的选区之一。

为共和党候选人提供资金支持的政治组织——全国共和党国会委员会,本月早些时候表示愿意投入资金提升阿斯卡尔的竞选机会,将其纳入2026年“让美国再次伟大”多数党计划。

他的对手、民主党人皮娅·丹迪亚(Pia Dandiya)是一名前教育工作者,最近被加入民主党国会竞选委员会的“从红到蓝”计划。

密歇根大学政治学家纳齐塔·拉杰瓦尔迪(Nazita Lajevardi)表示,阿斯卡尔可能将抨击伊斯兰教法视为其基础选民的安全楔子议题,她称反穆斯林言论“似乎是本次选举中许多人采用的策略”。

Republican candidate rails against Sharia law. Until it comes to his businesses

2026-09-30T10:00:29.238Z / CNN

Casey Askar, a GOP House candidate and pizza magnate, has campaigned heavily on keeping Sharia law out of the United States. He’s called the religious legal framework a “growing threat” and has promised voters he’d join the Sharia-Free America Caucus if elected in his competitive Florida district.

But as a businessman seeking new customers, Askar has been decidedly more welcoming of followers of Sharia.

As he sought to expand his restaurant chains in the Middle East last year, Askar partnered with a firm promoting his pizzerias as “100% halal” – noting a dietary restriction spelled out as part of the same Islamic tradition he’s called dangerous as a candidate.

He also traveled extensively around the Middle East, posing for photos with business leaders and royalty in Saudi Arabia and other countries that operate under Sharia-based legal systems.

This contrast between his corporate practices and campaign rhetoric is the starkest example of a larger clash between the politician’s campaign and the businessman’s record, according to a CNN review of Askar’s dozens of financial holdings. While he’s touted his American success story on the trail, he’s also been dogged for years by investment partners who say he burned them and regulators who accuse him of breaking the rules.

“Many public people are willing to have great relationships, but then when it’s also convenient to sow hatred against the Muslim community, then they are also equally happy to do that,” Corey Saylor, a spokesperson for the Council on American-Islamic Relations, told CNN.

Askar said in a statement that he has “neither invested in or received investments from the Middle East, and that business decision is not going to change.” He defended his statements against Sharia law.

“We must do whatever it takes to protect our citizens from the efforts by domestic radical Islamists to destroy our American way of life,” said Askar, who did not respond to more detailed questions about his business record.

Askar has told his rags-to-riches story often on the campaign trail, beginning with his family fleeing religious persecution as Christians in Iraq.

They settled in Michigan, where Askar grew up before serving in the Marines and then later partnering with his brother to build a business empire spanning commercial real estate and franchises of fast-casual foods like pizza.

Two decades after relocating to Florida, his financial disclosures show millions of dollars in holdings tied to those restaurant ventures and other investments. As a politician, Askar has touted his success as an entrepreneur, noting that he built a “business that employs thousands.”

A CNN review of court records, business filings and interviews with former associates also found a long trail of financial and legal disputes that have followed Askar since his early days as an entrepreneur.

An electrician who sold the candidate a limousine in 2001 told CNN it took months to recover his money after receiving a bad check from Askar. He ultimately sued Askar — who by then owned several local gyms — and his business, recouping his financial loss through a 2002 settlement. Askar initially asked the judge to dismiss the case but was denied.

After Askar’s restaurant franchise Papa Romano’s Pizza merged with the Michigan chain Mr. Pita in 2007, his former business partner Frank Lombardo sued Askar for breach of contract and wrongful termination. A court ruled that Askar’s business owed Lombardo more than $900,000. In a legal filing, a lawyer for Askar’s business accused Lombardo of not negotiating in good faith and harming the company’s financial prospects. The judgments were later satisfied in 2012.

In 2016, the Seminole Tribe of Florida sued Askar’s fuel distribution business, alleging theft of trade secrets and other business misconduct. Askar and his associates later denied the allegations. A tribal court found the company owed more than $2.5 million, touching off a legal fight that stretched on for nearly a decade. The case eventually settled in 2024.

More recently, Askar has faced significant problems with an abandoned office tower in Hartford, Connecticut that one of his companies bought in 2020 with plans for a major renovation. Instead, Askar’s company has racked up hundreds of thousands of dollars in liens and multiple lawsuits over the property, with one judge finding the business had engaged in a “continuing pattern of delay and noncompliance” in the legal proceeding.

Hartford’s mayor added Askar to a list of “problem landlords” last year, and the city plans to auction the property to the highest bidder in November to pay more than $860,000 in delinquent taxes. The auction will take place three days after the election.

In legal filings, lawyers for Askar’s company have argued that a business partner misrepresented the condition of the office tower and that the Covid-19 pandemic’s impact on the rental market made the renovation project financially impossible.

The Federal Election Commission took issue with Askar’s use of another property – a massive Connecticut mansion he bought from the rapper 50 Cent in 2019 for $2.9 million.

Askar used $3 million from a line of credit from Northern Bank & Trust Company, backed by a mortgage on the house and several other properties, to fund his first run for Congress in 2020 – though mortgage documents say the loan was intended to be used to remodel Dunkin’ stores.

During the primary, which Askar lost to Rep. Byron Donalds, a Florida resident filed a complaint with the FEC, noting that Askar’s campaign had reported conflicting details about the loan and that the CEO of Northern Bank and his wife had donated more than $11,000 to the campaign, according to FEC records.

At the time, a lawyer for Askar’s campaign argued in a filing that there had been no violation, writing that the bank loan was made in the “ordinary course of business” and that Askar was allowed to lend funds from that line of credit to his campaign.

But in 2022, the FEC found “reason to believe” that Askar’s campaign had violated campaign finance law by failing to accurately report information about the loan. Florida court records show Askar later sued the man who complained to the FEC for defamation; a judge dismissed the lawsuit and ordered Askar to pay the man’s attorney’s fees.

Now, Askar is again funding his campaign primarily with a loan from himself. As of late July, he had loaned his campaign $2.5 million – 43 times as much as the roughly $58,000 he had received in campaign contributions, FEC records show. According to his financial disclosure, he still owed Northern Bank between $1 million and $5 million on the line of credit from January 2020.

In total, Askar reported owing Northern Bank between $41 million and $130 million across five different loans.

When Askar first ran for Congress in 2020, Islam was not a major theme of his campaign.

But this year, GOP candidates have shown renewed opposition to Sharia, Islam’s religious and legal framework derived from the Quran and prophetic tradition. At the Republican midterm convention in Texas last month, language demonizing Muslims emerged as a key theme – with many top Republicans calling Sharia a growing domestic threat.

On the campaign trail, Askar has fanned similar rhetorical flames. He said over the summer at a candidate forum that “Sharia law is extremely dangerous” and that “Islam and Christianity just do not mesh,” according to The Floridian.

In a 9/11 anniversary post this month, he wrote that Americans “must stay vigilant on the growing threat that Sharia Law poses.” He has also promised to join the newly formed Sharia-Free America Caucus if elected.

Askar has also purported that Muslim immigration poses a danger to Western societies, arguing at a forum in June that mass migration to Europe – which he referred to as “Christendom” – should serve as a dire warning to the United States.

Earlier this month, Askar again promised to join the Sharia-Free America Caucus and wrote: “Radical Islam is a growing threat to America and must be eliminated.”

Askar’s business, though, has sought to embrace followers of Islamic tradition as it has looked to expand overseas.

Last September, the consulting firm Franchise Arabia announced a partnership with Askar Brands to grow two restaurants in its portfolio – Sarpino’s Pizzeria and Blackjack Pizza & Salads – in the Middle East. Askar celebrated the partnership in a news release, citing the region’s “thriving economy.”

“We’re excited to bring our brands to the MENA region and introduce our proven franchise systems to a new generation of entrepreneurs,” he said at the time, using an acronym for the Middle East and North Africa.

Both of Askar’s pizza chains that are represented by Franchise Arabia are denoted as “halal franchises” on its website. Advertisements to potential franchisees, including videos posted within the last month, similarly tout the future restaurants as serving “100% halal meat” – in other words, permissible for Muslims to eat according to religious dietary laws.

Shortly after the partnership was announced, Askar embarked on a business “roadshow” through the Middle East, including countries where Sharia serves as a foundation for the legal system. Photos from his trip, posted in October of last year, were shared by Franchise Arabia’s CEO Omar Al-Haza’a, a self-described “Royal Family Advisor” based in Dubai.

In several photos shared by Al-Haza’a, Askar is seen smiling next to executives and royal figures, with captions celebrating the potential expansion of his business footprint in the region. In one image, Askar and his son pose in Dubai with Sheikh Mansour Al-Thani, a member of the Qatari ruling family.

In February, Al-Haza’a posted a picture of the two men alongside another prominent Qatari businessman. The following month, the pair were again photographed at a charity event hosted by Askar and his wife. In a recent Instagram post, Al-Haza’a referred to Askar as “my good friend.”

When contacted by CNN, a spokesperson for Franchise Arabia declined to comment, citing client confidentiality. CNN was unable to confirm any Middle Eastern locations of the brands have yet opened.

Askar’s business connection to the Middle East appears to predate this latest venture. In November 2023, Askar met with a consulting firm working on behalf of the Embassy of Saudi Arabia, according to a Foreign Agents Registration Act document reviewed by CNN. Askar’s business partner and campaign donor also met with the Saudi-linked group two times that same month. It’s unclear what the meetings were about.

As Askar embraces anti-Sharia rhetoric, he faces an increasingly competitive race in a district Florida’s GOP-controlled legislature redrew this year to try to gain a red seat.

While Trump won Askar’s district under its redrawn lines by 10 points in 2024, Republicans nationally are facing a significant Democratic surge even in conservative-leaning seats, polling suggests. Political observers rate Askar’s race as among the most competitive districts in the country that will determine the House majority.

The National Republican Congressional Committee, the political organization that holds the purse strings for GOP candidates, signaled its willingness to spend to boost Askar’s chances earlier this month, adding him to the 2026 MAGA Majority program.

His opponent, Democrat Pia Dandiya, a former educator, was recently added to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s “Red to Blue” program.

Askar could see targeting Sharia as a safe wedge issue for his base going into November, said Nazita Lajevardi, a political scientist at the University of Michigan, who said anti-Muslim rhetoric “seems to be a strategy that many are turning to in this election.”

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