2026-09-17T17:04:08.272Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/09/17/politics/trump-quid-pro-quo
几乎没有什么特质能像交易主义那样定义唐纳德·特朗普总统的第二任期。他不遗余力地利用潜在的官方行动来谋取政治乃至个人利益,这种做法至少自水门事件以来从未出现过。
正是这种行事逻辑导致特朗普在2019年首次遭到弹劾,当时他暗示将乌克兰的军事援助与该国在2020年大选前调查拜登家族挂钩。
但尽管特朗普的这类交易以及其他许多交易都依赖于隐含的威胁或交换条件,如今他却越来越公开地将这些想法直言不讳地说出来。
过去八天里,他的肆无忌惮在多个场合暴露无遗。上周,他承诺如果共和党在11月赢得国会多数席位,将向每位美国成年人发放数千美元。本周,他多次威胁,如果不让他在肯尼迪中心留下名字,就会放弃甚至拆除该中心。
而在周三晚间,他开玩笑地威胁说,如果北卡罗来纳州选出民主党参议员,就会扣留该州的救灾援助——不过从特朗普的过往记录来看,这或许并非玩笑。
如此公开地谈论将官方行动与自身政治和个人利益挂钩,本应是丑闻。在特朗普的第一任期内,这种行为确实曾是丑闻,他遭到弹劾就是明证。
如今,他的交易主义不再被视为那么大的丑闻,这在很大程度上是因为美国人已经清楚,过去20个月来他一直是这样执政的。
但也不该忽视如今他的手段有多么肆无忌惮。
在周三晚间的集会上,特朗普将北卡罗来纳州获得救灾援助与该州选举共和党人迈克尔·沃特利出任参议员绑定——随后又声称自己只是在开玩笑。
“你们在等更多拨款……迈克,我会帮你们拿到的,”特朗普说道,“如果迈克输了,我就不会拨款了。明白吗?”
随后特朗普补充道:“不,我只是开玩笑。你们会拿到钱的。迈克,你们一定会拿到的。”
但这真的只是玩笑吗?
今年美联社的一项调查发现,蓝色州(指民主党占优势的州)的民众等待救灾援助的时间更长,援助申请被驳回的频率也更高。(白宫告诉美联社,“总统在救灾问题上的决定不存在政治化因素。”)而美国能源部在7月15日的一份法律文件中明确承认,其取消清洁能源拨款“完全基于拨款接收州的政治属性”——即该州“是蓝色州还是非蓝色州”。
很难想象那些仍在从飓风海伦的灾后恢复中挣扎的民众不会多少认真看待这一威胁。而且无论特朗普本意如何,这都算不上什么好笑的事。
本周的另一项动向是,特朗普愈发直白地强迫肯尼迪中心接受以他的名字命名。他在法庭上多次被驳回,于是愈发公开地发出威胁。
特朗普周二在社交媒体上表示,“在哥伦比亚特区巡回法院就董事会批准的名称作出裁决之前,翻新工程无法启动”。
“如果裁决对我不利……肯尼迪中心的重建和翻新工程就不会启动,”他补充道。
特朗普周三再次重申了这一说法。
“我要是长期参与此事,要么亲自推动,要么筹款推进——我认为特朗普政府理应得到认可,”他在夏洛特对记者表示,“坦率地说,如果我们得不到认可,这座建筑就会关门。最终会被拆除。”
周三晚间,有人拍到特朗普在空军一号上查看一张海报,海报上似乎写着“肯尼迪中心将被拆除”。
如此一来,这位总统如今明确表示,他需要获得个人认可才能保住这座地标建筑——还毫不隐晦地威胁说,如果得不到想要的东西,就会让该机构走向覆灭。
特朗普提出的5000美元支票计划或许是最肆无忌惮的举动。
在上周的共和党中期选举大会上,特朗普表示,如果美国民众再次选举共和党掌控国会多数席位,“我将向每位美国成年公民发放5000美元的分红”。
如果他只是说选举共和党多数席位将有助于该党通过减税法案之类的政策,那还情有可原。但特朗普明确表示,将向民众发放大额现金——显然无需国会批准——作为对他所愿之事的奖励。
就连右翼阵营中的一些人都将此举称为贿赂。这显然就是一种交换条件——为换取特定结果而支付的报酬。
试想一下,如果这成为常态,那么阻止总统们为选票开出越来越高额支票的唯一障碍,或许就是此举带来的经济后果。
有证据表明,美国民众已经看穿了特朗普的把戏。
本周路透社-益普索的一项民调显示,66%的登记选民认为,特朗普提出的如果共和党赢得中期选举就发放5000美元支票的承诺“不妥”,仅有18%的人认为此举合适。
就连共和党选民也倾向于认为此举不妥,比例为37%对33%。
尽管此前选民往往认为两党腐败程度不相上下,但近期的一些民调显示,共和党在这一问题上突然处于劣势。
本周《纽约时报》-锡耶纳学院的民调显示,潜在选民以14个百分点的差距认为,“腐败”一词更适合形容共和党而非民主党。而福克斯新闻的民调显示,登记选民以11个百分点的差距认为,民主党在反腐问题上表现会更好。
但特朗普似乎并不在意这种看法。他和他那些顺从的共和党国会盟友已经让总统职位变得过于强大,他不会放过任何榨取权力的机会。
而他显然会继续榨取下去。
Trump’s transactional presidency takes a more brazen turn
2026-09-17T17:04:08.272Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/09/17/politics/trump-quid-pro-quo
Few things have defined President Donald Trump’s second term as much as his transactionalism. He’s gone to great lengths to wield potential official actions for political and even personal gain in ways simply not seen since at least Watergate.
It’s this same sensibility that led to Trump’s first impeachment in 2019, after he suggestively tied Ukraine’s military aid to that country investigating the Bidens ahead of the 2020 election.
But while that and many of Trump’s transactions have relied on implied threats or quid pro quos, he’s increasingly coming out and saying them out loud.
His brazenness was on display on multiple fronts over the last eight days. Last week, he promised American adults thousands of dollars each if they elect Republican majorities in November. This week, he’s repeatedly threatened to abandon or even tear down the Kennedy Center if he’s not allowed to put his name on it.
And on Wednesday night, he jokingly threatened to withhold disaster aid from North Carolina if it elects a Democratic senator (except maybe it’s not a joke, judging by Trump’s track record).
To so openly talk about tying official actions to his political and personal interest should be scandalous. And it was a scandal in Trump’s first term, as evidenced by his impeachment.
His transactionalism is treated as less scandalous today in large part because Americans already know it’s how Trump’s been conducting business for the last 20 months.
But it shouldn’t be lost just how brazen it is now.
At a Wednesday night rally, Trump tied North Carolina getting disaster aid to the state electing Republican Michael Whatley to the Senate — before claiming he was joking.
“You’re waiting for some additional money … and I’m gonna get that to you, Michael,” Trump said. “Now, if Michael loses, I’m not sending it. Okay?”
Then Trump added: “No, I’m only kidding. You’re getting it. You’re gonna get it, Michael.”
But is it really a joke?
An AP investigation this year found that blue states had to wait longer for disaster aid and were denied more frequently. (The White House told the AP “there is no politicization to the President’s decisions on disaster relief.”) And the Energy Department in a July 15 legal filing explicitly acknowledged that it canceled clean-energy grants “based solely on the political identity of the grant recipient’s state” — i.e. whether it “was in a Blue State or a non-Blue State.”
It’s hard to see how people still recovering from Hurricane Helene don’t take this threat somewhat seriously. And regardless of how Trump meant it, this is not really a laughing matter.
The other development this week is Trump’s increasingly blunt effort to force the Kennedy Center to take his name. He’s been repeatedly denied in court, so he’s getting more open about his threats.
Trump said on social media Tuesday that renovations “cannot begin until such time as the DC Circuit rules on the Board’s approved name.”
“If the ruling is a negative one … the Reconstruction and the Renovation of The Kennedy Center will not take place,” he added.
Then Trump said it again on Wednesday.
“For me to get involved and to take that on long-term and to carry it or to raise money to carry it — I think that the Trump administration should certainly have recognition,” he told reporters in Charlotte. “Because frankly, if we don’t do that, it’s going to close. It’ll end up being ripped down.”
Trump was then pictured on Air Force One on Wednesday night reviewing a poster that appeared to say “Kennedy Center DEMOLISHED.”
So this is a president now explicitly saying he needs personal recognition to save this institution — and unsubtly threatening its demise if he doesn’t get what he wants.
Trump’s $5,000 checks idea might be the most brazen.
At the Republican midterm convention last week, Trump said that if Americans reelect GOP congressional majorities, “I will issue a dividend to every adult citizen in the United States of America for $5,000.”
It would be one thing to say that electing Republican majorities would enable the party to pass cut taxes, or something like that. But Trump is expressly tying handing out large sums of cash to people — apparently without congressional approval — as a reward for giving him what he wants.
Even some on the right have labeled that a bribe. It certainly seems like a quid pro quo — a payment made in exchange for a specific outcome.
And imagine if that became the new normal. The only thing stopping presidents from paying ever-larger sums of money for votes might be the economic consequences of doing so.
There is evidence that the American people see through what Trump is doing.
A Reuters-Ipsos poll this week showed 66% of registered voters said that Trump’s promise to hand out $5,000 checks if the GOP wins the midterms was “inappropriate,” compared to just 18% who said it was appropriate.
Even Republicans leaned toward it being inappropriate, 37%-33%.
And while voters previously tended to view both parties as about equally corrupt, some recent surveys suggest the GOP is suddenly at a deficit on this issue.
A New York Times-Siena College poll this week showed likely voters said by 14 points that “corrupt” described Republicans more than Democrats. And a Fox News poll showed registered voters said Democrats would do a better job on issues of corruption by 11 points.
But Trump doesn’t seem to have much regard for this perception. He and his deferential GOP congressional allies have made the presidency too powerful not to squeeze all the juice out of it that he can.
And he’ll apparently just keep squeezing.
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