2026年8月12日 美国东部时间上午9:53 / 福克斯新闻
分析师质疑该协议究竟是挑战美国主导的安全架构,还是对美国伙伴关系的补充
沙特专家称,沙特-土耳其-巴基斯坦协定标志着一种新的地区安全模式
沙特分析师阿齐兹·阿尔加沙扬表示,该同盟通过增加责任分担而非挑战亚伯拉罕和平协议,来补充美国的利益。
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一项将沙特阿拉伯、土耳其和巴基斯坦联系在一起的新防务协定引发了争议:这三个国家是否正在为建立一个竞争性地区集团奠定基础——有可能挑战以以色列和亚伯拉罕和平协议为核心的美国主导架构——或者仅仅是在美国伙伴之间建立一种新的责任分担模式。
这三个与美国有着长期安全联系的国家,各自带着不同的利益加入该协定——但它们联手可能开始改变该地区的力量平衡。
沙特阿拉伯于2025年11月与美国签署了《战略防御协定》,并被指定为主要非北约盟友,但利雅得未能获得其长期寻求的条约级别的、类似北约第五条的美国防务保障,这使得新协定成为应对华盛顿未来安全承诺不确定性的一种潜在对冲手段。
拥有核武器的巴基斯坦获得了更大的能源安全、沙特投资和地区影响力,同时提供重要的军事能力——尽管其核威慑是否延伸至伙伴国仍未得到证实。已为北约成员国的土耳其则为其不断发展的国防工业获得了更大的市场,并且在与以色列紧张关系升级之际获得了额外的战略砝码。
土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安是谁?北约最不可预测的领导人如何不断重塑自我
土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安(左)、沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼(中)和巴基斯坦总理夏巴兹·谢里夫(右)于2026年8月7日在沙特阿拉伯麦加签署三边联合防务协定。(土耳其总统府/穆拉特·钦廷穆胡达尔/资料图片/安多拉通讯社通过盖蒂图片社)
总体而言,该安排让三个美国伙伴拥有更强的自主构建威慑力的能力——有可能减轻华盛顿的安全负担,同时也让它们拥有更多的独立性。
沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼、土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安和巴基斯坦总理夏巴兹·谢里夫于8月7日签署了《麦加联合防务协定》。一份联合声明称,该协定旨在“加强集体威慑,应对任何侵略行为”,并规定对任何一个国家的武装攻击将被视为对全部三个国家的攻击。
土耳其外交部长哈坎·菲丹次日进一步表态,告诉土耳其国营的安多拉通讯社,该协定“技术上与北约第五条的共同防御条款相同”,后者将对一个成员国的攻击视为对所有成员国的攻击。但菲丹表示,各国将就袭击发生后提供援助的程度和形式进行磋商,行动细节仍有待新的部长级委员会确定。据路透社8月8日报道,该同盟还将在沙特阿拉伯设立一个总秘书处。
菲丹表示,总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安希望该同盟最终能扩大至三个创始成员国之外,并将埃及列为潜在参与者。他表示,该协定的谈判已进行了两年零八个月。
沙特公共外交副部长雷耶德·克里姆利驳斥了有关该协定标志着一个新的教派或军事集团形成的说法,称其与核野心或军备竞赛无关。土耳其官员也类似地表示,该协定是防御性的,并非针对伊朗或任何其他国家。
与此同时,伊朗淡化了该协定对德黑兰构成的威胁。伊朗外交部发言人伊斯梅尔·巴盖伊8月10日表示,伊朗没有理由担心该协定针对本国,并告诉路透社,该协定反映了地区国家更多依赖自身安全能力而非外部大国的转变。
“任何基于该地区地缘政治和历史现实、全面且具有包容性,并正确识别敌人和威胁的计划,都有可能有助于加强安全,防止犹太复国主义敌人及其盟友的不稳定和滥用行为,”巴盖伊在提及以色列时说道。
福克斯新闻数字频道联系了土耳其驻华盛顿大使馆和巴基斯坦政府置评,但未能在出版前收到回复。
美国国防民主基金会高级研究员兼土耳其项目主任西南·奇迪告诉福克斯新闻数字频道,他对该协定目前是否能构成北约式同盟持怀疑态度。
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“它有实际效力吗?是严肃的威慑力量吗?这是一份严肃的集体防务协定吗?是穆斯林版北约吗?我们实际上还不确定,”奇迪说道。
奇迪表示,三个国家各自带着不同的动机加入该协定。对沙特阿拉伯而言,他认为这是对冲对美国安全保障可靠性的疑虑;对巴基斯坦而言,它提供了更大的能源安全、沙特投资和更多的地区声望;而对土耳其而言,它为国防合作创造了新机遇,并为其军工行业提供了更大的市场。他指出,随着土耳其与以色列的紧张关系升级,安卡拉还获得了额外的威慑砝码。
“我要说,该协定更侧重于加强经济和商业联系,而非实质性的北约式安全联系,”奇迪补充道。
沙特阿拉伯驳斥了有关该协定标志着转向远离华盛顿的说法。
观看:民主党抨击特朗普沙特核协议,共和党吹捧地区同盟
巴基斯坦总理夏巴兹·谢里夫于2026年8月6日抵达沙特阿拉伯吉达,受到麦加地区副省长沙特·本·米沙勒·本·阿卜杜勒阿齐兹的迎接。(SPA沙特新闻社通过路透社)
“美国仍然是我们的主要战略伙伴,”一位不愿透露姓名的沙特消息人士告诉福克斯新闻数字频道,表示该国与巴基斯坦和土耳其日益扩大的联系不应被视为以损害与华盛顿的关系为代价。
这位沙特消息人士还驳斥了将该协定描述为“穆斯林版北约”或逊尼派同盟的说法,并表示该协定并非针对以色列、伊朗或任何其他特定国家。当被问及该协定是否代表沙特远离与以色列关系正常化时,该消息人士表示,“这完全无关。”
海湾国际论坛高级非常驻研究员阿齐兹·阿尔加沙扬给出了类似的解读。
“我不认为这是对亚伯拉罕和平协议的制衡,”阿尔加沙扬告诉福克斯新闻数字频道。
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相反,阿尔加沙扬将该协定描述为沙特阿拉伯长期战略关系多元化的一部分。
“我认为这实际上是一种补充。它是对美国的补充,”他说道,认为地区伙伴之间更密切的合作可以为华盛顿增加责任分担。
从巴基斯坦的角度来看,该协定既带来军事优势也带来政治优势,纽约市立大学罗斯福学院公共政策研究所杰出讲师拉扎·鲁米告诉福克斯新闻数字频道。
“巴基斯坦获得了战略深度、在海湾地区更大的影响力,以及在新兴地区安全架构中更正式的地位,”鲁米说道,并指出了国防生产、技术转让、情报、培训以及防空和导弹防御方面的潜在合作。
但他告诫不要过于字面地解读该协定的共同防御措辞。
“认真对待,但不要字面理解为类似北约第五条的保障,至少目前还不是,”鲁米说道。他补充道,其可信度将取决于各国是否制定联合计划、指挥结构和应对危机的程序。
鲁米还警告不要假设中东已经分裂为两个固定阵营。但印度正在密切关注这一新的结盟态势。印度外交部8月11日表示,正在研究该协定对国家安全和地区和平与稳定的影响,并补充称新德里将采取“必要的一切必要措施”来维护其利益。
“这些国家是在进行对冲,而非选择永久阵营,”他说道。
特朗普在以色列和土耳其之间左右为难,内塔尼亚胡与埃尔多安升级争端
土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安(左)、沙特王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼(中)和巴基斯坦总理夏巴兹·谢里夫(右)于2026年8月7日在沙特阿拉伯麦加签署三边防务协定。(土耳其总统府/穆拉特·钦廷穆胡达尔/资料图片/安多拉通讯社通过盖蒂图片社)
另一方面,奇迪认为,该协定反映了地区国家对美国安全保障的“严重保留”。他更担心的是,即使是一个军事上薄弱的协定也可能促使对立阵营变得更加强硬。
“安全协定催生更多安全协定,”奇迪说道,认为以色列、希腊、塞浦路斯以及可能的印度可能会加强自身合作作为回应。
“你在购买安全,但你也在制造紧张局势,”他说道。“我认为这就是危害所在。”
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美国总统唐纳德·特朗普于2025年11月18日在华盛顿特区白宫椭圆形办公室与沙特阿拉伯王储兼首相穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼举行双边会晤期间会面。(温·麦克name/盖蒂图片社)
鲁米认为,将该协定称为对亚伯拉罕和平协议或印度-中东-欧洲经济走廊的直接制衡仍为“时尚过早”。但他表示,一场更广泛的竞争正在浮现,关乎该地区的未来——一边是美国主导的涉及印度、以色列和海湾国家的经济一体化,另一边是沙特阿拉伯、土耳其和巴基斯坦谋求更大战略自主权的努力。
埃弗拉特(埃菲)·拉赫特是福克斯新闻数字频道的记者,拥有超过15年报道冲突、全球事务、人权和政治问责的经验。她执导并制作了200多段纪录片片段,足迹遍布40多个国家,记录了冲突、人道主义危机、腐败、人口贩运、基于性别的暴力以及重大世界事件背后的人性故事。
拉赫特的报道将她带入了中东、欧洲、亚洲和非洲的冲突地带和危机地区。她的工作包括揭露人口贩运网络、揭露叙利亚境内的ISIS地下酷刑监狱、记录乌克兰战争以及采访高级政治人物和世界领导人。她也是战争开始后进入俄罗斯的西方记者之一,带回了普京反对派的证词。拉赫特曾获得2022年佩雷斯和平中心奖,并担任2023-2024年密歇根大学奈特-华莱士新闻奖学金获得者。她还曾两次获得洛克沃尔卓越报道奖。她拥有传播学学士学位和政治学硕士学位。
New power axis in the making? Three military heavyweights lock arms, complicating Abraham Accords strategy
August 12, 2026 9:53am EDT / Fox News
Analysts question whether the agreement challenges US-backed security architecture or complements American partnerships
Saudi-Turkey-Pakistan pact signals new regional security model, Saudi expert says
Saudi analyst Aziz Alghashian says the alliance complements US interests by increasing burden-sharing rather than challenging the Abraham Accords.
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A new defense pact linking Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan is fueling debate over whether the three countries are laying the groundwork for a competing regional bloc — potentially challenging the U.S.-backed architecture built around Israel and the Abraham Accords — or simply creating a new model of burden-sharing among American partners.
The three countries, all with longstanding security ties to the United States, enter the pact with different interests — but together they could begin shifting the region’s balance of power.
Saudi Arabia signed a Strategic Defense Agreement with the United States in November 2025 and was designated a major non-NATO ally, but Riyadh did not secure the treaty-level, Article 5-style U.S. defense guarantee it had long sought, making the new pact a potential hedge against uncertainty over Washington’s future security commitments.
Pakistan, a nuclear-armed state, gains greater energy security, Saudi investment and regional influence, while offering significant military capabilities — although whether its nuclear deterrent extends to its partners remains unconfirmed. Turkey, already a NATO member, gains a larger market for its growing defense industry and additional strategic weight as tensions with Israel rise.
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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (L), Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (C) and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif (R) sign a trilateral joint defense agreement in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, on August 7, 2026.(TUR Presidency /Murat Cetinmuhurdar / Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images)
Taken together, the arrangement gives three U.S. partners greater ability to build deterrence on their own — potentially easing Washington’s security burden while also giving them more independence from it.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif signed the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement on Aug. 7. A joint statement said the pact was intended to “strengthen collective deterrence against any act of aggression” and stipulated that an armed attack against one country would be regarded as an attack against all three.
Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan went further the following day, telling Turkey’s state-run Anadolu news agency that the agreement was “technically the same” as NATO’s Article 5 mutual-defense provision, which treats an attack on one member as an attack on all. Fidan said, however, that the countries would consult on the degree and form of assistance provided following an attack, with operational details still to be determined by a new ministerial committee. The alliance will also establish a general secretariat based in Saudi Arabia, Reuters reported Aug. 8.
Fidan said President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan wants the alliance to eventually expand beyond its three founding members and identified Egypt as a potential participant. He said negotiations over the pact had been underway for two years and eight months.
Saudi Deputy Minister for Public Diplomacy Rayed Krimly has pushed back on suggestions that the agreement represents the creation of a new sectarian or military bloc, saying it is not connected to nuclear ambitions or an arms race. Turkish officials have similarly said the pact is defensive and not directed against Iran or any other country.
Iran, meanwhile, played down the pact as a threat to Tehran. Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei said Aug. 10 that Iran saw no reason to be concerned that the agreement was directed against it, telling Reuters that the pact reflected a regional shift toward countries relying more heavily on their own security capabilities rather than outside powers.
“Any plan that is based on the geopolitical and historical realities of the region, is comprehensive and inclusive, and correctly identifies the enemy and the threat, has a chance of helping to strengthen security and prevent instability and abuses by the Zionist enemy and its allies,” Baghaei said, referring to Israel.
Fox News Digital reached out to the Turkish Embassy in Washington, D.C., and the Pakistani government for comment but did not receive responses in time for publication.
Sinan Ciddi, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and director of its Turkey program, told Fox News Digital that he remains skeptical that the pact currently amounts to a NATO-style alliance.
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“Does it have teeth? Is it a serious deterrent? Is that a serious collective defense pact? Is it a Muslim NATO? We’re not actually sure yet,” Ciddi said.
Ciddi said each of the three countries enters the pact with different incentives. For Saudi Arabia, he sees it as a hedge against doubts over the reliability of U.S. security guarantees; for Pakistan, it offers greater energy security, Saudi investment and added regional prestige; and for Turkey, it creates new opportunities for defense cooperation and a larger market for its arms industry. Ankara also gains additional deterrent weight as its tensions with Israel grow, he argued.
“I would say that this pact is much more targeted towards closer economic and commercial ties rather than substantive NATO-like security ties,” Ciddi added.
Saudi Arabia rejects the suggestion that the agreement represents a turn away from Washington.
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Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is received by Deputy Governor of Mecca region, Prince Saud bin Mishaal bin Abdulaziz upon his arrival in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, August 6, 2026.(SPA Saudi Pess Agency via Reuters)
“The United States remains to be our primary strategic partner,” a Saudi source told Fox News Digital on background, saying the kingdom’s expanding ties with Pakistan and Turkey should not be viewed as coming at the expense of its relationship with Washington.
The Saudi source also rejected descriptions of the agreement as a “Muslim NATO” or Sunni alliance and said it was not directed against Israel, Iran or any other particular country. Asked whether the pact represented a Saudi move away from normalization with Israel, the source said, “It’s not related in any way.”
Aziz Alghashian, a senior non-resident fellow at the Gulf International Forum, offered a similar interpretation.
“I don’t think it’s a counterweight to the Abraham Accords,” Alghashian told Fox News Digital.
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Turkish President Tayyip Erdoğan meets Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, ahead of the expected signing of a defense deal between Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey, in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, August 7, 2026.(Murat Cetinmuhurdar/Turkish Presidential Press Office/Handout via Reuters)
Instead, Alghashian described the agreement as part of Saudi Arabia’s longer-term diversification of strategic relationships.
“I think it’s actually a supplementation. It’s complementary to the United States,” he said, arguing that greater cooperation among regional partners could provide increased burden-sharing for Washington.
From Pakistan’s perspective, the agreement offers both military and political advantages, Raza Rumi, distinguished lecturer at the Roosevelt House Public Policy Institute at CUNY, told Fox News Digital.
“Pakistan gains strategic depth, greater leverage in the Gulf and a more formal place in an emerging regional security architecture,” Rumi said, pointing to potential cooperation on defense production, technology transfers, intelligence, training and air and missile defense.
But he cautioned against interpreting the pact’s mutual-defense language too literally.
“Seriously, but not literally as an Article 5-style guarantee, at least not yet,” Rumi said. Its credibility, he added, will depend on whether the countries develop joint planning, command structures and procedures for responding to crises.
Rumi also warned against assuming the Middle East is already dividing into two fixed camps. India, however, is watching the new alignment closely. India’s Ministry of External Affairs said Aug. 11 that it was examining the pact’s implications for national security and regional peace and stability, adding that New Delhi would take “whatever necessary steps are required” to safeguard its interests.
“These states are hedging, not choosing permanent blocs,” he said.
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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (L), Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (C), and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif (R) sign a trilateral defense agreement in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, on August 7, 2026.(Turkish Presidency / Murat Cetinmuhurdar / Handout/Anadolu via Getty Images)
Ciddi, on the other hand, argued that the agreement reflects “serious reservations” among regional countries about U.S. security guarantees. His greater concern is that even a militarily weak pact could encourage opposing alignments to harden.
“Security pacts beget more security pacts,” Ciddi said, arguing that Israel, Greece, Cyprus and potentially India could deepen their own cooperation in response.
“You’re buying security, but you’re also creating tension,” he said. “That’s where I think the harm comes in.”
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U.S. President Donald Trump meets with Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia during a bilateral meeting in the Oval Office of the White House on November 18, 2025, in Washington, D.C.(Win McNamee/Getty Images)
Calling the pact a direct counterweight to the Abraham Accords or the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor would therefore be “premature,” Rumi argued. But he said a broader competition is emerging over the region’s future — between U.S.-backed economic integration involving India, Israel and the Gulf and efforts by Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan to develop greater strategic autonomy.
Efrat (Effie) Lachter is a reporter for Fox News Digital with more than 15 years of experience covering conflict, global affairs, human rights and political accountability.She has directed and produced more than 200 documentary segments across more than 40 countries, documenting conflicts, humanitarian crises, corruption, human trafficking, gender-based violence and the human stories behind major world events.
Lachter’s reporting has taken her into conflict zones and crisis areas across the Middle East, Europe, Asia and Africa. Her work has included uncovering human trafficking networks, revealing an ISIS underground torture prison in Syria, documenting the war in Ukraine and interviewing senior political figures and world leaders. She was also among the Western journalists who entered Russia after the war began to bring testimonies from Putin’s opposition. Lachter is the recipient of the 2022 Peres Center for Peace Award and was a 2023–2024 Knight-Wallace Journalism Fellow at the University of Michigan. She also won two Rockower Awards for Excellence in Reporting. She holds a bachelor’s degree in communication and a master’s degree in political science.
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