2026-08-10T04:00:29.335Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/08/10/politics/trump-iran-economy-strait-of-hormuz-analysis
唐纳德·特朗普总统正面临两大严峻风险,它们不仅可能损害共和党在中期选举中的表现,还可能毁掉他的第二任期政治遗产。
不知何故,他在伊朗问题上把自己置于了自吉米·卡特以来历任总统都未曾有过的脆弱境地。正如1979至1980年的人质危机那样,伊朗伊斯兰共和国正在施加政治压力,并可在美国全国大选前随时升级施压力度。一周前,特朗普团队还预测重新开放霍尔木兹海峡的协议即将达成。但如今德黑兰正向美国这个全球超级大国发号施令,提出了严苛的新条件。
与此同时,特朗普在国内面临着另一个虽独立但相关的问题。战争对能源价格的影响进一步恶化了选民对经济的看法。他已陷入一种恶性循环:总统和官员们在经济数据中寻找一线希望,但选民只看到政府对他们的困境漠不关心。随着11月大选临近,周五发布的糟糕就业报告等意外状况对共和党来说尤为不合时宜。
随着共和党面临的政治环境日趋严峻,他们的领袖似乎对此浑然不觉。特朗普周末发布的多条社交媒体帖子,可能都被其对手用来塑造一位脱离现实的总统形象。他发布了与南非高尔夫传奇人物加里·普莱尔的合影,以及一张其名下球场新果岭的雕刻照片。他还发帖谈及拟建在白宫舞厅的未来主义无人机港口、倒影池翻新工程,以及华盛顿两座新涂上闪亮金色油漆的雕像。他还声称自己是通胀的克星,但他看起来更像是一位拼命想要留下实体遗产的总统,而非一位充满国家振兴理念的领导人。
周末确实给特朗普带来了一场胜利:参议院以微弱优势确认了他的前私人律师托德·布兰奇出任美国司法部长。但这场胜利更多只会让总统本人感到高兴,而非普通选民。而且共和党议员在离开华盛顿前,用行动证明了他们此前的警告:特朗普最优先的投票限制法案无法在国会通过。总统黯淡的八月又在国外遭遇了又一次挫折:以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡否决了另一项所谓的成功方案——解除加沙地带哈马斯武装的计划。
民主党是否在给特朗普递救命稻草?
这类政治挑战通常会在中期选举中给在任总统带来麻烦。正如美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)的亚伦·布莱克周日指出的那样,多项民调如今显示,特朗普已经浪费了共和党在国家安全和经济两大传统优势领域的领先地位。
打破政治惯例一直是特朗普的政治强项,他距离美国历史上最伟大的政治复出仅过去不到两年时间。但11月选举的局势可能对他不利。作为政坛圈外人时,他在政治上向来更为高效,比如2016年和2024年大选。如今他已是政治建制派的一员,而此前每当他被迫为自己的政绩辩护时,比如2018年和2020年大选,他都遭遇了失败。
总统还拒绝承认选民的真实感受。“他们并不生我的气,而是生共和党人的气,”特朗普上周告诉《Punchbowl News》。
但近几周来,民主党可能给了他可乘之机。进步派和民主社会主义者在初选中获胜,助长了特朗普的说法:他正在抵抗左翼极端主义浪潮。与本世纪初共和党茶党起义类似,民主党可能会因提名疏远温和派郊区选民的候选人而输掉本可拿下的席位——而这些郊区选民往往是决定选举结果的关键群体。
不过,进步派人士认为,混乱的政治局势为那些不仅不满特朗普,还鄙视温和派民主党建制派的选民带来了突破的可能——尤其是在乔·拜登和卡玛拉·哈里斯的竞选失败让特朗普重新入主白宫之后。
密歇根州联邦参议员初选获胜者、进步派人士阿卜杜勒·埃尔赛义德周日聚焦特朗普在经济问题上的软肋,他刚在这个可能决定参议院控制权归属的州结束了激烈的初选。“我们之间的分歧,比起我们的共同点来说要小得多:我们都有责任站出来反对唐纳德·特朗普,反对他利用权力为自己、为他的家族谋取私利,而非改善普通民众的家庭经济状况,”埃尔赛义德在“国情咨文”节目中对CNN记者杰克·塔珀说道。
1980年,伊朗在德黑兰扣押52名美国人长达444天之后,对美国大选施加了杠杆影响。46年后的今天,被扣押的不再是人质,而是霍尔木兹海峡这条石油出口航道。这意味着,正如当年选民迁怒卡特的经济政策一样,美国选民也会因经济问题迁怒现任总统,而伊朗就此拥有了另一个选举季施压点。
根据美国汽车协会(AAA)的数据,全国平均汽油价格重回每加仑4美元以上。选民们对高物价感到愤怒,同时还在承受住房和医疗保健等长期负担不起的压力。
特朗普政府多次强调,一旦海峡重新开放,经济负担将很快缓解。但矛盾的是,他们的言论可能只会强化伊朗的谈判地位。德黑兰已经强化了其要求,包括结束美国的海上封锁、美军撤离该地区;它还要求美国为战争提供赔偿,并解除制裁。
这不是特朗普能够接受的协议,因此伊朗可能在过度施压。但如果特朗普失去耐心,重新发动战争,他将进一步深陷这场极不受欢迎的冲突,并招致更严重的经济反弹。
总统正试图重新掌握主动权。他对Axios表示,他现在正在等待美国封锁带来的经济影响显现。“我们在低调处理此事,”特朗普周日说道。“我们只是半心半意地和他们谈判。”
因此,实际上,在去年的空袭重创伊朗军事力量、延缓其核计划并打击其国防工业基础之后,特朗普正赌美国经济的韧性更强,能够帮助他摆脱战略死胡同。
许多分析人士认为,伊朗激进领导人在与美国进行生存斗争之际,更愿意让本国人民承受苦难。或许该政权会垮台。但以特朗普短暂的政治时间表来看,这种可能性似乎不大。
共和党无法坐等战争给国内经济带来缓解。周五发布的官方数据显示,7月份美国经济减少了2.3万个工作岗位,这对白宫和共和党连任竞选团队以及所有失业美国人来说都是新的打击。但政府认为经济基本面具有韧性的说法并非没有道理——尽管食品和住房价格高企、工资涨幅似乎跟不上物价,意味着大多数民众并不认可特朗普所说的经济“黄金时代”。
白宫对经济的看法与普通美国人的实际感受之间存在差距,这是一个长期存在的政治陷阱,往往由不协调的言论所引发。
“底线是,如果你纵观整体经济,那么经济真的、真的在蓬勃发展,”美国国家经济委员会主任凯文·哈塞特在接受CNN的塔珀采访时说道。哈塞特辩称,上月的失业数据反映了世界杯决赛临时工作的结束,以及教师在7月份休假。他坚称,经济正在创造高质量就业岗位,物价也在放缓。
但调整经济信息是政治中最棘手的任务之一。2008年约翰·麦凯恩的共和党总统竞选败于此;2010年巴拉克·奥巴马总统任内的民主党中期选举竞选败于此;2024年拜登和哈里斯的竞选也败于此。
而经济问题只是特朗普面临的难题之一。
他对Axios表示,这场战争“会解决的。总会解决的。这就像一盘象棋。”但无论是在伊朗问题上,还是在更广泛的政治层面,他的最终目标都让人捉摸不透。
Trump has a Carter-style Iran problem as the economy drags before the midterms
2026-08-10T04:00:29.335Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/08/10/politics/trump-iran-economy-strait-of-hormuz-analysis
President Donald Trump is staring down two stark liabilities that threaten to damage his Republican Party in the midterms and to ruin his second term-legacy.
Somehow he’s maneuvered himself into a more vulnerable spot regarding Iran than any president since Jimmy Carter. As in the 1979-80 hostage crisis, the Islamic Republic is exerting political pressure that it can dial up on the US leader ahead of a national election. A week ago, Trump’s team predicted a deal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz was imminent. But Tehran, now dictating terms to the US global superpower, has imposed tough new conditions.
At the same time, Trump faces a separate but related problem at home. The war’s impact on energy prices is further souring voter perceptions of the economy. He’s entered the doom loop in which presidents and officials scan data for silver linings but voters see only indifference to their plights. Twists like Friday’s bad jobs report are untimely for the GOP with November fast approaching.
As the political environment darkens for Republicans, their leader seems oblivious. Many of Trump’s weekend social media posts might have been scripted by his foes to portray an out-of-touch president. He posted a picture with South African golf legend Gary Player, and another of the sculpting of a new green at one of his courses. He posted about a futuristic drone port on the proposed White House ballroom, the Reflecting Pool renovation, and two statues in Washington newly coated with glistening golden paint. He also claimed to be a slayer of inflation, but he looked more like a president desperately trying to leave a physical legacy rather than one brimming with ideas for national renewal.
The weekend did deliver a victory for Trump: The Senate narrowly confirmed his former personal lawyer Todd Blanche as US attorney general. But this is a win that will appeal more to the president than to voters. And Republicans left town after proving their own warnings that Trump’s top-priority voting restrictions bill can’t pass. And the president’s grim August took another rough turn abroad, when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected another supposed triumph — a plan to disarm Hamas in Gaza.
Are Democrats handing Trump a lifeline?
Such political challenges would typically spell trouble for incumbent presidents in midterm elections. And as CNN’s Aaron Blake pointed out Sunday, multiple polls now show that Trump has squandered the traditional GOP advantage in two areas: national security and the economy.
Trump’s thwarting of convention has always been a political strength, and he’s less than two years past the greatest political comeback in US history. But the dynamics of November’s election may not favor him. He’s always been more effective politically as an outsider, as in 2016 and 2024. He is the political establishment now, and previously when he’s been forced to defend his own record, as in the 2018 and 2020 elections, he has foundered.
The president is also in denial about how voters are feeling. “They are not angry at me, but they’re angry at Republicans,” Trump told Punchbowl News last week.
But in recent weeks, Democrats may have given him an opening. Primary wins by progressive and democratic socialists are fueling Trump’s claims that he is resisting a tide of left-wing extremism. In a parallel to the GOP’s tea party insurgency earlier in the century, Democrats may risk winnable seats by nominating candidates who alienate more moderate, suburban voters who tend to decide elections.
Progressives, however, believe that the jumbled political circumstances create the conditions for a breakthrough among voters who aren’t just down on Trump but who also disdain the moderate Democratic establishment — especially after the failed campaigns of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris allowed Trump to regain the White House.
Progressive Michigan Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed on Sunday homed in on Trump’s vulnerability on the economy as he pivoted from a bitter primary in a state that could decide who runs the Senate. “Differences that we hashed out are so much smaller than the similarities that we share: a responsibility to stand up to Donald Trump and the ways that he’s used his power for his own gain, for his family’s finances, rather than to improve your family’s finances,” El-Sayed told CNN’s Jake Tapper on “State of the Union.”
In 1980, Iran exerted leverage over a US election after holding 52 Americans in Tehran in a standoff that eventually lasted 444 days. Forty-six years later, it’s not people being held hostage — but the Strait of Hormuz oil exporting route. This means the regime has another election-season pressure point as US voters — as they did with Carter — turn on a president over the economy.
Average national gasoline prices are back above $4 a gallon, according to AAA. Voters are angry about high prices and are struggling against longer-term affordability trends in housing and healthcare.
Trump officials have repeatedly stressed that the burden will quickly ease once the strait opens. But, paradoxically, their comments may only bolster Iran’s negotiating position. Tehran has toughened its demands, including the ending of a US maritime blockade and the departure of American forces from the region; it also wants US compensation for the war and a lifting of sanctions.
This not a deal Trump can accept, so Iran may be overplaying its hand. But if Trump loses patience and relaunches the war, he’ll be doubling down on a deeply unpopular conflict and inviting a worse economic backlash.
The president is trying to recapture the initiative. He told Axios he’s now waiting for the economic impact of the US blockade to kick in. “We are low-keying it,” Trump said Sunday. “We are only semi-negotiating with them.”
In effect, therefore, Trump — after devastating Iran’s military, setting back its nuclear program in last year’s air strikes and hammering its defense industrial base — is betting on the US economy’s greater endurance to get him out of his strategic dead end.
Many analysts believe Iran is more willing to impose suffering on its people as its radical leaders pursue their existential struggle with the US. Maybe the regime will collapse. But it seems unlikely on Trump’s short political timeline.
Republicans can’t wait for domestic relief from the war. Official data Friday showing the economy lost 23,000 jobs in July was a fresh blow to the White House and Republican reelection campaigns — and to all the Americans out of work. But the administration is not wrong to argue the economy is fundamentally resilient — even as high food and housing prices, and wages that don’t seem to keep up, mean most people don’t recognize Trump’s economic “golden age.”
This gap between a White House’s perception of the economy and the experience of regular Americans is a perennial political trap that is often triggered by discordant rhetoric.
“The bottom line is that, if you look at the overall economy, then things are really, really booming,” Kevin Hassett, director of the National Economic Council, told CNN’s Tapper. Hassett argued that job losses last month reflected the end of temporary work from the World Cup finals and teachers taking July off. He insisted the economy was creating high-quality jobs and that prices were moderating.
But calibrating an economic message is among the trickiest tasks in politics. It defeated the Republican presidential campaign of John McCain in 2008; Democrats’ midterm campaigns under President Barack Obama in 2010; and the failed campaigns of Biden and Harris in 2024.
And the economy is just one of Trump’s problems.
He told Axios that that the war “will work out. It always works out. It’s like a chess game.” But on Iran and across the broader political spectrum, his endgame is impenetrable.
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