2026-08-07T10:00:30.789Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/08/07/politics/midterms-house-senate-democrats
在密歇根州和其他州于本周举行重要初选后,2026年中期选举参众两院的角逐已基本成型。
而越来越明显的是……这场选举局势复杂棘手。
随着选举临近11月,选举过程总会变得愈发混乱,突如其来的突发状况层出不穷。“十月惊喜”这一说法之所以广为流传,自有其道理。
但近几周的情况尤为如此。尽管民主党争取参议院多数席位的 uphill 之战变得愈发艰难且充满不确定性,共和党守住众议院多数席位的 uphill 之战也正遭遇自身极为突出的麻烦。
尽管一段时间以来的基本态势相当明朗——得益于总统唐纳德·特朗普空前不受欢迎的民调处境,民主党拥有翻转参众两院的明显优势和机会——但地方层面的变数正开始凸显。
首先,我们来看看参议院多数席位的席位算数。
周二的中期选举最大新闻——也可以说是过去几个月来的最大新闻——是左翼候选人阿卜杜勒·赛义德在密歇根州民主党初选中以微弱优势胜出。
这位前公共卫生官员此前曾遭到民主党建制派的极力阻挠,后者曾拼命帮助众议员黑利·史蒂文斯击败他。如今,桑德斯派的民主党左翼人士从未有过这样的机会:在一个摇摆州的关键大选对决中争取胜选。
像赛义德这样的候选人能否在密歇根州这样的州获胜,将对民主党左翼阵营在未来几年能形成多大影响力产生重大影响。
但眼下的问题是,赛义德是否会危及这场民主党若想拿下参议院多数席位就几乎必须取胜的选举。
目前对此尚无定论。
有一种观点认为,像他这样更具活力和吸引力的候选人,比史蒂文斯那样的候选人更能调动选民基础。即便赛义德的表现确实不及预期,当前的整体选举环境也可能足够有利于民主党,帮助他顺利当选。近期历史数据显示,只要没有重大个人丑闻,仅在议题上立场极端通常只会让候选人损失低至中个百分点的选票。
但共和党方面周三则幸灾乐祸地指出,赛义德与有争议的左翼主播哈桑·皮克尔存在关联,以及他此前批评以色列的尖锐言论,这些都有可能让民主党选民联盟中的大量群体反感。他们还刻意提及赛义德的全名,显然是企图煽动反穆斯林情绪——尽管这种做法丑陋且带有排外性质,但民调显示这可能会奏效。
显而易见的是:在民主党表现良好的年份,史蒂文斯本会是更稳妥的人选。
结果是,民主党如今通过密歇根州拿下席位的道路可能变得更加不确定。而这种突如其来的不确定性已成一种趋势。除了赛义德获得提名之外,缅因州的格雷厄姆·普拉特纳丑闻,以及宾夕法尼亚州参议员约翰·费特曼的党派转换试探,都成为了不受欢迎的变数,可能让民主党本已艰难的参议院席位算数变得几乎无法实现。
民主党需要翻转四个共和党席位才能拿下参议院多数席位,而艰难的席位地图意味着,其中至少两个席位必须来自特朗普在2024年以两位数优势获胜的州。
如果这些变数中的任何一个对民主党不利,他们就需要将所需翻转的席位数量增加到三个甚至更多。
话虽如此,近期出现的一些变数仍可能通过扩大可选战场帮助民主党。
民调显示,民主党在阿拉斯加、艾奥瓦、俄亥俄和德克萨斯这四个红色州的选情极具竞争力。他们周二在深红州堪萨斯州还获得了一位颇具吸引力的候选人——牧师亚当·汉密尔顿。
此外,南达科他州民主党候选人周二退出提名,使得该州与爱达荷州、内布拉斯加州一起,民主党提名人均已退选,转而支持独立候选人,这些独立候选人或许更有机会击败共和党对手。
这种独立候选人策略的效果仍有待观察。正如我在2024年的报道中所写,这些独立候选人的民调表现通常好于实际选举结果。但在原本不可能拿下的州,哪怕只是让共和党稍微紧张一下,也算是一场胜利。
话虽如此,民主党建制派或许宁愿放弃所有这些胜算渺茫的机会,只求史蒂文斯能作为他们的候选人,在11月对阵共和党前众议员迈克·罗杰斯。
但即便参议院的局势对民主党而言愈发艰难,众议院的局面在共和党这边看来也变得更加混乱。
俄亥俄州众议员马克斯·米勒、北卡罗来纳州众议员查克·爱德华兹和佛罗里达州众议员科里·米尔斯的个人丑闻,日益威胁到的不仅是他们各自原本胜算不大的竞争席位(特朗普2024年在这三个选区的得票率均领先约10个百分点),还会给共和党守住众议院多数席位的努力蒙上阴影。
爱德华兹周三早些时候退出了连任竞选,此前众议院道德委员会的一份报告认定他对年轻女性雇员实施了不受欢迎的骚扰行为。但共和党领导层在如何处理针对米勒和米尔斯的更恶劣指控方面却举步维艰,两人均被指控存在家暴等不当行为。
三人都否认了面临的最严重指控。
米勒的情况尤其棘手,指控他家暴的前妻是俄亥俄州共和党参议员伯尼·莫雷诺的女儿,这使得本已难堪的家庭闹剧进一步升级为政治风波。再加上米勒愈发怪异的个人回应,让共和党议员们更难拿出连贯有力的应对措施。
尽管这些只是少数几个席位,但共和党今年通过在多个州进行选区重划,煞费苦心地试图尽可能多地锁定选区优势。但即便付出了这些努力,原本通常属于安全席位的多个选区如今也逐渐落入了潜在竞争席位的行列——以至于民主党似乎越来越有可能拿下众议院多数席位。
事实上,正如库克政治报告的艾米·沃尔特本周所指出的,当前局势与2006年民主党浪潮时期极为相似。
当时的总统乔治·W·布什同样民调不受欢迎,当时的中东战争则是伊拉克战争,当时的“通用选票”也以相似且显著的幅度(中高个百分点)倾向民主党,而如今越来越多的议员丑闻正考验着共和党领导层的应对能力——2006年时则是马克·福利和唐·舍伍德的丑闻。
共和党真的不希望这次选举结果与2006年如出一辙。
The midterms are taking shape. So are the problems – for both parties
2026-08-07T10:00:30.789Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/08/07/politics/midterms-house-senate-democrats
After a major primary day this week in Michigan and other states, the battle for the House and Senate in the 2026 midterms has largely taken shape.
And increasingly … it’s complicated.
Elections are always messier the closer you get to November, with late developments that seem to come out of nowhere. There’s a reason the phrase “October Surprise” is a thing.
But that’s especially been the case in recent weeks. While Democrats’ uphill battle to win the Senate majority has become more fraught and uncertain, the GOP’s uphill battle to hold the House is running into its own very pronounced headaches.
So while the fundamentals have appeared pretty consistent for a while – Democrats have a clear advantage and chance to flip both chambers thanks to President Donald Trump’s historic unpopularity – the localized variables are starting to loom large.
First, let’s tackle that Senate majority math.
The biggest midterm news Tuesday – and arguably of the last few months – was left-wing candidate Abdul El-Sayed’s narrow victory in the Michigan Democratic primary.
The former public health official, whom the Democratic establishment desperately tried to help Rep. Haley Stevens defeat, is now in a position that the Bernie Sanders wing of the party has really never been in before: trying to win a crucial general election race in a battleground state.
Whether a candidate like El-Sayed can win a state like Michigan carries major implications for how big a force the Democratic Party’s left flank can be in the coming years.
But in the near term, the question is whether El-Sayed might jeopardize a race that Democrats probably need to win to have a shot at the Senate majority.
The jury is still very much out on that.
There is a school of thought that a more exciting and compelling candidate like him could turn out the base more than a candidate like Stevens. And even if El-Sayed does underperform, it’s possible the environment will simply be good enough for Democrats to pull him across the line. Recent history suggests that, absent major personal scandal, merely being extreme on issues generally costs candidate in the low-to-mid single digits.
But Republicans on Wednesday were gleefully pointing to things like El-Sayed’s ties to controversial left-wing streamer Hasan Piker and his sharp comments criticizing Israel, which could conceivably turn off significant portions of the Democratic coalition. They also suggestively cited his full name, clearly seeking to stoke anti-Muslim sentiment – which, while ugly and xenophobic, polling suggests could be effective.
What’s pretty evident: Stevens would have been the safer pair of hands in a good Democratic year.
The upshot is that the path through Michigan is probably more uncertain for Democrats now. And that sudden uncertainty has become a trend. In addition to El-Sayed’s nomination, both the Graham Platner fiasco in Maine and Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman’s flirtation with a party switch have become unwelcome variables potentially making Democrats’ difficult Senate math closer to unworkable.
Democrats need to flip four GOP seats to take the Senate majority and a tough map already means at least two of them would have to be in states where Trump won by double digits in 2024.
Having any of these variables go against them would mean they would increase that latter number to three or more.
All of that said, some of the recently introduced variables could still help Democrats by expanding the map.
Polls show them running very competitive in four of those red states – Alaska, Iowa, Ohio and Texas. They also got an intriguing nominee in deep-red Kansas on Tuesday in pastor Adam Hamilton.
And the exit of the Democratic nominee in South Dakota on Tuesday now makes it three states – along with Idaho and Nebraska – where the party’s nominee has stepped aside in favor of an independent candidates who might have better shot at beating Republicans.
The efficacy of that independent strategy remains in doubt. And these independent candidates tend to poll better than they actually perform, as I wrote in 2024. But these are states that are probably off the table otherwise – so even just making Republicans sweat a bit could be a win.
All of that said, the Democratic establishment would probably trade all of these longshot opportunities just to have Stevens as their nominee against Republican former Rep. Mike Rogers in November.
But even as the Senate has become more fraught for Democrats, the House is looking a lot messier for Republicans.
The personal scandals of Reps. Max Miller of Ohio, Chuck Edwards of North Carolina and Cory Mills of Florida increasingly threaten to not just put their marginally competitive seats in-play (Trump won all three districts by around 10 points in 2024), but also to cast a pall over the GOP’s efforts to hold the House.
Edwards bowed out of his reelection bid early Wednesday morning after a House Ethics Committee report found he made unwanted advances toward young female staffers. But GOP leaders have struggled mightily to figure out what to do about uglier allegations against Miller and Mills, both of whom have been accused of domestic abuse, among other misdeeds.
All three men have denied the most serious allegations they face.
The Miller situation is especially difficult given the ex-wife who accuses him of abuse is the daughter of GOP Sen. Bernie Moreno of Ohio, causing what was already an ugly family drama to spill even more into politics. This, and Miller’s increasingly bizarre personal response, has made it more difficult for GOP lawmakers to craft a cogent response.
While these are just a few seats, Republicans made great pains to try to help themselves lock down as many districts as possible by redistricting in a bunch of states this year. But in spite of those efforts, a bunch of other seats that would normally be safe have crept into the potentially competitive column – so much so that Democrats appear increasing favorites to win the House.
In fact, as the Cook Political Report’s Amy Walter noted this week, it’s all looking a lot like the Democratic wave of 2006.
There’s a historically unpopular president (back then, George W. Bush) and war in the Middle East (back then, Iraq), a “generic ballot” that favors Democrats by a similar and significant number (the mid-to-high single digits) and, now, a growing volume of lawmaker scandals that are testing GOP leaders’ ability to manage them (back then, Mark Foley and Don Sherwood).
Republicans would really prefer the outcome not be like 2006.
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