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卫星图像显示中国新建美军舰目标以进行导弹测试

2026年6月25日 17:21 / 联合早报

卫星图像显示，中国在西北部沙漠地区一个偏远导弹测试区，建造一个新的美国驱逐舰复制品。分析人士认为，这个目标可能被用来测试反舰武器。

彭博社报道，卫星图像显示，至少自6月起，类似美国海军阿利·伯克级导弹驱逐舰的结构体现身新疆塔克拉玛干沙漠地区。台湾国防研究倡议一名联合创始人最先发现这个结构体。

这个复制品似乎是中国过去五年在沙漠建造一系列美国海军仿制军舰中的最新一个。

美国海军学会（US Naval Institute）报告称，2021年的卫星图像显示，在塔克拉玛干沙漠若羌地区的试验场上，出现了一个有航空母舰形状的目标，以及两个有阿利·伯克级驱逐舰形状的目标。

负责巡逻西太平洋和台湾周边水域的美国第七舰队，使用这两个类型的舰艇。其他卫星图像则显示，模型周围有导弹袭击留下的碎片。分析人士认定，位于若羌县的这个地点是反舰弹道导弹试验场。

彭博社称，世界各地的军方都会建造目标模型。《防务邮报》（The Defense Post）去年曾报道，美国建造中国防空系统，以便进行武器测试。中国大陆也在两个军事基地建造了台北市中心模型。

中国国防部尚未针对置评请求做出回应。美国国防部则称不予置评。

DOJ threatens to sue California over ‘Glock ban,’ arguing law violates Second Amendment

June 25, 2026 4:09am EDT / Fox News

Assistant AG Harmeet Dhillon gave state officials until Tuesday to enter pre-suit negotiations

By Landon Mion Fox News

Supreme Court sides with marijuana user in gun case, protecting Second Amendment rights

The Supreme Court delivered a unanimous ruling siding with a marijuana user in a gun case, asserting that the government cannot prosecute individuals for firearm possession simply due to cannabis use. Fox News contributor Joey Jones highlights the ruling’s importance for Second Amendment rights, drawing a comparison to alcohol and emphasizing responsible gun ownership by marijuana cardholders in Florida.

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The Department of Justice warned California on Wednesday that it would file a lawsuit against state officials if they do not scrap plans to enforce a”Glock ban,” which the federal government argues violates the Second Amendment’s right to bear arms.

In a letter to California Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Attorney General Rob Bonta, Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights Harmeet Dhillon said California residents “have the constitutional right to acquire and use state-of-the-art handguns to protect themselves.”

“They should not be forced to settle for decade-old models of handguns to ensure that they remain safe inside or outside the home,” she wrote.

NRA SUES CALIFORNIA OVER BAN ON GLOCK-STYLE FIREARMS: ‘VIOLATES THE SECOND AMENDMENT’

The Department of Justice warned California that it would file a lawsuit against state officials if they do not scrap plans to enforce a”Glock ban.”(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)

This comes as California’s Assembly Bill 1127, otherwise known as the “Glock ban,” is set to take effect on July 1. It was signed into law by Newsom last fall.

The law prohibits licensed firearms dealers from selling or transferring any “machinegun-convertible pistol.” It also reclassifies Glocks, which are semi-automatic pistols, as “machinegun-convertible” since state officials say their trigger mechanisms can be quickly modified with illegal aftermarket conversion devices.

People who already own these firearms may keep them, while sales to law enforcement agencies or the military are exempt from the restrictions.

Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights Harmeet Dhillon argues that the California law violates the Second Amendment’s right to bear arms.(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

Dhillon said she approved the filing of a complaint in federal district court against California officials over the law, but explained that she would consider deferring the filing if the state agreed to enter pre-suit negotiations.

“Although the specific provisions are open to discussion, a resolution must, at a minimum, require that the State: (1) immediately cease enforcement of the laws identified above; (2) acknowledge the unconstitutionality of these laws; and (3) agree to enter into a court-enforceable consent decree permanently enjoining the State from violating its citizens’ constitutional rights through these or any similar laws,” the letter reads.

Dhillon gave California officials until 5 p.m. Tuesday to agree to enter pre-suit negotiations.

FEDERAL APPEALS COURT RULES CALIFORNIA AMMUNITION BACKGROUND CHECKS UNCONSTITUTIONAL

The law prohibits licensed firearms dealers from selling or transferring any “machinegun-convertible pistol.”(Kyle Grillot/Bloomberg)

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“We hope that the State shares our interest in achieving a voluntary resolution of this matter,” she wrote.

Fox News Digital reached out to Newsom’s and Bonta’s offices for comment.

Latino voters are up for grabs. Both parties are struggling to connect with them

2026-06-25T10:07:07.432Z / Reuters

Summary

One in five Latino voters remain undecided heading into the midterms, a May poll found

• Democrats are struggling to win back Latino voters in competitive districts like Colorado 8
• Experts say Latinos are less attached to parties and tend to vote on pocketbook issues

COMMERCE CITY, Colorado, June 25 (Reuters) – Gerardo Verdugo voted for Donald Trump in 2024 hoping for an economic revival.

Instead, the president’s tariffs drove up the cost of the imported sweets he sells at his ​Mexican candy shop in Commerce City, outside of Denver. Scenes of masked immigration agents rounding up his fellow Latinos deepened his disillusion.

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But that doesn’t mean he’s ready to vote Democrat. “I’m just kind of in ‌the middle right now,” said Verdugo, 24, letting out a deep sigh.

Colorado’s 8th Congressional District, where 40% of the population identifies as Latino, has always been competitive. A Democrat won here in 2022, Republican Gabe Evans took the seat in 2024 — and it’s a toss-up again in 2026.

In November’s midterm elections, Evans will take on the winner of Tuesday’s Democratic primary between Manny Rutinel, a Dominican-American state legislator, and Shannon Bird, a former state legislator.

Latinos are one of the swingiest demographics in the American electorate, polls show, their political allegiances tending to shift in rhythm with economic ​ebbs and flows. They were a key part of Trump’s winning coalition in the last election, and will be pivotal again this year as Democrats try to retake the House of Representatives.

The president’s approval rating among Latinos ​who backed him in 2024 has fallen by more than a quarter, according to a Pew survey in April. Overall, only 27% of Latino voters approve of Trump’s performance, down from 36% ⁠at the start of his second term, Reuters/Ipsos found this month.

But that erosion in support has not yet corresponded with a Democratic surge.

A bipartisan poll of 3,000 Latino voters in May by BSP Research and Shaw & Company on behalf of UnidosUS found that ​one in five remain undecided heading into the midterms, with “both parties underperform[ing] 2024 support levels.” Voters’ top four issues were tied to the economy.

“If they can help my cost of living … I’m open to hearing about it,” said Gabriel Sanchez, a BSP ​pollster, describing the prevailing attitude.

That sentiment dominated conversations with more than 50 voters, organizers and strategists across Colorado’s 8th. Many residents are tired of Trump, but they’re just as tired of politics as usual. And they’re still waiting for candidates to earn their vote.

Each party has its challenges, analysts said. Republicans are tied to an unpopular president and have yet to muster the grassroots energy that helped Trump make gains with Latinos; Democrats have the early edge on outreach but are struggling to convince voters they can bring down costs.

REPUBLICAN STRATEGY

The National Republican Congressional Committee ​views Colorado’s 8th as one of more than a dozen House races nationwide where Latino voters could be decisive, according to a person familiar with party strategy.

To appeal to them, Republicans plan to highlight Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill,” which cut taxes on tips, ​while giving candidates room to distance themselves from the president on immigration policy, the person said.

Evans, the grandson of a Mexican immigrant, is a co-sponsor of the DIGNIDAD Act, a bipartisan reform bill combining border security with legal status for some immigrants in the country ‌illegally. He’s also ⁠leaning on his working-class roots to connect with struggling Latinos.

But Denise Galvez Turros, a co-founder of Latinas for Trump, a group instrumental in mobilizing support for the president in 2024, said voter enthusiasm hasn’t translated to the midterms. Her group was formed to elect Trump, she said, not to boost his fellow Republicans.

The Latina voters she rallied in 2024 “don’t care about what’s going on so much in the Republican Party,” she said, guessing many may stay home in November.

On the ground here, outreach has largely fallen on conservative groups like the LIBRE Initiative, which has canvassed thousands of doors in the district since January to rally support for Evans.

Angel Merlos, LIBRE’s strategic director for Colorado, said the people he’s speaking with have “large concerns” about Trump and are “kind ​of on the fence.”

Republican candidates should be talking more about ​tax cuts, he said, but also their willingness to work ⁠across the aisle in Washington.

Was the party doing enough to retain its majorities in Congress? “We can always do better,” he said.

‘IMMENSE OPPORTUNITY’

Stacy Suniga, who founded the nonpartisan Latino Coalition of Weld County in 2020, hopes Democrats can retake the 8th but is blunt about the party’s shortcomings.

“You have Trump here with broken promises … and you have Democrats over here who want to ​keep doing things the way that it’s always been done,” she said, urging candidates to embrace bolder, more progressive economic proposals.

At a debate earlier this month, both Rutinel and Bird ​focused on affordability and Trump’s cuts ⁠to Medicaid, consistent with national messaging.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee launched an eight-figure nationwide advertising campaign targeting Latino and rural voters in November — months earlier than in previous cycles — faulting Republicans for Trump’s tariffs, cuts to food assistance and rising gas prices.

Democratic-aligned organizations are also ramping up their efforts.

Mi Familia Vota has been knocking on doors in Fort Lupton, north of Commerce City. Voto Latino is testing affordability messages in 20 battleground states and is partnering with Latino organizations at the University of Northern Colorado for a registration push ⁠in August.

“It’s just ​an immense opportunity to flip that district,” said Beatriz Lopez, Voto Latino’s executive director.

Voters like Olivia Dominguez, 61, who owns a beauty salon in ​Fort Lupton, should be a natural target for Democrats. Her salon’s rent recently shot up by 50%; nearly every beauty product she uses is more pricey.

But the Biden years also featured high gas prices and persistent inflation, she and many other voters said. What they’re looking for now are concrete plans to ​improve their lives.

Dominguez says she’ll cast her ballot for “whoever has some kind of sense in their brain about the economy.”

Reporting by Brad Brooks in Colorado, Nathan Layne in New York and David Hood-Nuño in Washington; Editing by Jesse Mesner-Hage and Alistair Bell

Democrats to propose bill capping out-of-pocket Medicare costs for enrollees

June 25, 2026 / 5:00 AM EDT / KFF Health News

Sen. Ron Wyden and 14 Democratic co-sponsors plan to introduce legislation today to cap consumers’ potential out-of-pocket costs in traditional Medicare, resurfacing a long-running debate over why the program doesn’t limit beneficiary spending.

Even the bill’s backers say securing passage this year is a long shot. But the effort is one more opportunity for Democrats to highlight voters’ frustration about healthcare costs leading into the November election.

Polls show Americans are very concerned about affordability, with a recent Gallup survey finding fewer than half of Americans say they can consistently afford healthcare.

Wyden’s bill would focus on what many consider a critical pocketbook issue in traditional Medicare: There’s no limit on what a beneficiary could pay in cost sharing.

“Everyone else in the health insurance neighborhood has one — employer coverage, the Affordable Care Act, all of them have a cap,” the Oregon Democrat told KFF Health News. “There’s no good, common-sense reason why the flagship health program doesn’t have the same protection.”

Critics of a cap, meanwhile, are likely to pounce on the cost to the federal budget, which could be significant.

Wyden, already making the battle lines clear, added, “I suspect it will come up on the floor of the Senate that Democrats want to give a fair shake to people on traditional Medicare and Republicans want to help billionaires.”

Policy, political dynamics at work

The underlying issue is the 20% share of Medicare costs that enrollees have to pay for medical services after they’ve met any deductibles. Without a ceiling or upper limit, an expensive condition such as cancer or a long hospital stay could result in beneficiaries paying thousands of dollars in costs.

That concern leads about 43% of people enrolled in traditional Medicare to purchase separate insurance, often called Medigap. (Others get such coverage through job-based retiree plans.)

Medigap insurance plans have seen rapid premium increases and can cost thousands of dollars a year, especially for couples. That price tag can be unaffordable for some beneficiaries, who may instead turn to private-sector Medicare Advantage plans offered by commercial insurers, or go without.

The Wyden proposal would set a $5,000 cap in traditional Medicare. Any amounts paid by a Medigap plan or a retiree health plan toward beneficiaries’ care would count toward that cap. It also includes other provisions to help older people with lower incomes, including eliminating an asset test to qualify for special programs that help reduce costs.

Medicare would pick up any amounts over that $5,000 limit, which is lower than the one Congress set for the rival Advantage plans — currently $9,250, although insurers can set smaller amounts.

Setting a cap in the traditional program, proponents argue, would help level the playing field between traditional Medicare and Advantage plans, which often cost consumers far less than traditional Medicare with a Medigap supplement. Premiums for these policies would probably be lower, they say, because the insurers’ financial exposure would be limited.

The Medicare Advantage program has historically had strong support from Republicans, who like its private-sector aspect and note that it can potentially do more to control costs, such as by using specific networks of doctors and hospitals, or requiring preapproval for some services, which the traditional program cannot do.

The plans also offer enrollees additional benefits, such as eyeglasses, hearing aids, and prescription drug coverage, and have now attracted more than half of all Medicare enrollees.

Along with that growth, however, has also come increased scrutiny over concerns about denials of patient services and the challenges some consumers face if they want to switch back to the traditional program. Recently, some health systems have dropped out of Medicare Advantage contracts, citing concerns about tardy payments or prior authorization requirements, while insurers are also scaling back where they offer Advantage coverage.

The bill has not yet been analyzed by the Congressional Budget Office, so there is no official estimate of increased costs to taxpayers for Medicare. Still, it would raise those costs — at a time when other health programs are being cut, the Medicare trust fund is scheduled to start falling short of funding in 2033, and the nation’s debt is growing.

That is likely to draw sharp rebukes from fiscal hawks and other conservatives who question whether billions in tax dollars should be used to pick up costs that would otherwise be paid by enrollees or by the supplemental insurance plans many purchase to do so. They are likely to note that beneficiaries could also choose to join private sector Advantage plans, which eliminate the need for supplementary insurance coverage such as Medigap.

Key questions: Who benefits? Who pays?

A cap’s cost to taxpayers, while not officially scored yet, is likely to be significant, although adding one could also save individual consumers money. A recent study from Brown University gives some clues.

A $5,000 cap could save enrollees an average of about $1,200 a year, the study says, both in direct savings and reductions in their Medigap supplemental premiums. Just over 11% of traditional Medicare beneficiaries, about 3.2 million, would directly benefit from such a cap if it was implemented in 2028, said the study, which did not receive outside funding.

Over the next 10 years, it estimates, just over 52% of all traditional beneficiaries would exceed the $5,000 cap at least once.

Still, lead author Andrew Ryan, a professor at Brown’s School of Public Health, said analysts estimated such a cap “could cost over $50 billion annually, which is a lot of money” to add to the federal balance sheet.

Critics are likely to focus on the cap’s expense and the number of people who might benefit.

“How many people are hitting a level of cost they can’t afford on Medicare? “asked Jackson Hammond, a senior policy analyst with the Paragon Health Institute, a conservative think tank influential with the GOP.

Any cap “is generally going to increase expenses for the program without adding a lot of benefits to enrollees,” said Hammond, who spoke with KFF Health News before the legislation was introduced.

Supporters, though, have a different view.

Certainly, with “any policy that’s going to cost money, there will be an argument over where the money is coming from,” said Brian Keyser, a research associate at the liberal Center for American Progress who also spoke with KFF Health News before the Wyden measure was introduced.

Keyser co-authored a Medicare paper that suggested lawmakers could pay for changes in traditional Medicare, such as an out-of-pocket cap, if they reduced the amount the government pays Medicare Advantage insurers, pointing to government estimates that Advantage would cost the government $76 billion more this year than if the same number of people were in the traditional program.

Finding a way to add a cap “is right and fair because without it, people who become seriously ill can spend their life savings on cost-sharing Medicare,” Keyser said.

Such an idea, however, has been in discussion on and off for years. Knowing that, the bill’s backers acknowledge that passage is unlikely — but they say they’re playing the long game for now.

“We’re going to push for it in the next Congress, when we believe we will be in the majority,” Wyden said.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.

获健力士世界纪录认证 巴西最长寿三姐妹齐破百岁

2026年6月25日 18:38 / 路透社

巴西有三位年龄都已破百的姐妹，她们的年龄总和达到316岁，本月被《健力士世界纪录》认定为全球在世年龄总和最高的三姐妹。

她们分别是109岁的莱维塔·努内斯（左）、104岁的佐拉伊德（右）和103岁的祖琳娜。

她们将长寿秘诀归因于健康的饮食和积极的生活方式。祖琳娜回忆起童年时常在河里游泳、捕鱼，“所有（吃的）都是新鲜的，那时我们甚至没有冰箱”。佐拉伊德也说，母乳喂养极其重要。

三姐妹参与了一项探索与长寿相关的研究，她们的案例或许能帮助研究员了解长寿究竟是与基因还是环境有关，以及如何维持老年人的健康和身体机能。（路透社）

获健力士世界纪录认证 巴西最长寿三姐妹齐破百岁

2026年6月25日 18:38 / 新明日报

巴西有三位年龄都已破百的姐妹，她们的年龄总和达到316岁，本月被《健力士世界纪录》认定为全球在世年龄总和最高的三姐妹。

她们分别是109岁的莱维塔·努内斯（左）、104岁的佐拉伊德（右）和103岁的祖琳娜。

她们将长寿秘诀归因于健康的饮食和积极的生活方式。祖琳娜回忆起童年时常在河里游泳、捕鱼，“所有（吃的）都是新鲜的，那时我们甚至没有冰箱”。佐拉伊德也说，母乳喂养极其重要。

三姐妹参与了一项探索与长寿相关的研究，她们的案例或许能帮助研究员了解长寿究竟是与基因还是环境有关，以及如何维持老年人的健康和身体机能。（路透社）

Ted Cruz’s not-so-secret White House dreams have gotten JD Vance’s attention and annoyed Trump allies

2026-06-25T09:00:25.622Z / CNN

Columbia, South Carolina—

An ice cream social at a supporter’s house. A meet-and-greet with veterans. A roundtable with sheriffs. An evening rally at a sweltering barbecue joint and a winding photo line afterward.

Ted Cruz’s Monday schedule in South Carolina looked a lot like his itinerary a decade ago when he was campaigning for president here. But the Texas senator is not running again — at least not yet.

Rather, Cruz had traveled to the early GOP primary battleground to stump for state Attorney General Alan Wilson, a longtime ally who won Tuesday’s Republican runoff for governor.

From allies to adversaries, past supporters to potential rivals, and the primary voters who may ultimately decide his fate, there’s near-unanimous agreement in the Republican Party on this: Cruz is laying the groundwork for another presidential campaign, even if it means taking on Vice President JD Vance or whoever President Donald Trump ultimately endorses.

“I would be shocked if he doesn’t run,” said Bob Vander Plaats, an influential conservative figure in Iowa who was a national co-chair of Cruz’s 2016 campaign. Cruz and Vander Plaats reunited last month when Cruz went to campaign for Republicans in Iowa.

Cruz remains a prolific fundraiser with ties to some of the party’s biggest donors. He successfully endorsed Wilson and another recent gubernatorial contender, Rick Jackson in Georgia, over Trump-backed rivals. And he has built a considerable following in the new media ecosystem driving Republican politics.

Speaking to CNN in South Carolina, Cruz waved off 2028 speculation, saying he is “all in” on helping Republicans save their congressional majorities in the midterms.

“I will be on the road a lot campaigning for that, and there’ll be plenty of time to worry about future elections in the future,” he said.

But Texas Sen. John Cornyn recently observed to Semafor that Cruz “wants to be the next president.” Vance, Trump’s most likely political heir, told Megyn Kelly that Cruz is “clearly” running.

A new Cruz campaign would test whether there is space in the Republican Party for someone who straddles the ideological divide between the pre-Trump and post-Trump GOP. While Cruz has cast himself as a reliable White House ally in the Senate, he has also voiced skepticism of Trump’s tariff strategy, publicly questioned the administration’s targeting of ABC late night host Jimmy Kimmel, and has remained critical of Big Tech even as top Silicon Valley leaders build their relationships with the president.

Perhaps most significantly, Cruz has emerged as one of the most vocal Republican critics of the US-Iran peace deal. Vance is leading the US delegation in negotiations with Tehran.

Cruz has long been open about wanting to run for president again, calling his 2016 run “the most fun I’ve ever had in my life.” He said in 2023 that he would “fully hope and expect to run again at some point.” This week, Cruz will address the Road to Majority Conference, an annual gathering of Christian conservatives put on by the Faith and Freedom Coalition. It’s a room full of the kinds of voters and leaders that once embraced Cruz’s presidential aspirations but moved to Trump.

“His profile has only risen,” said Vander Plaats. “He’s on Fox News a lot, he’s got a top-rated podcast. People hear of him, they see of him. They view him as a fighter for the agenda.”

That podcast, “Verdict,” airs multiple times a week and often reaches more than a million listeners, providing a uniquely large platform within the party. On an episode last week, Cruz extensively scrutinized the Iran negotiations, saying Trump is getting “very poor advice” and that giving Iran access to up to $300 billion would be a “very serious mistake.”

Within Trump’s inner circle, a Cruz 2028 campaign is treated as all but certain, rankling White House allies who are intent on protecting the president’s power to dictate the future of MAGA and the party. The frustration spilled into the open last week as Trump allies — including the president’s eldest son, Donald Trump Jr. — pounced on Cruz for attacking the Iran deal and accused him of posturing for future primary voters.

“No one takes him seriously as a contender,” said Alex Bruesewitz, a Trump adviser and one of those Cruz critics. “Will he run? Absolutely, because his ego is 10 times bigger than the state he represents. He has no support. But he’ll have a war chest and an apparatus because he’s done this before.”

Even those who stood with Cruz in 2016 now acknowledge the climb he faces to recapture the hearts of GOP voters.

“A decade is a long time in between runs, and a lot has changed,” said conservative talk show host Steve Deace, an early Cruz backer in 2016 when he hosted a show on Iowa’s airwaves. “The ultimate voice that matters is Chief MAGA: Trump. We’re all watching, but it’s really a primary of one.”

A 2028 campaign by Cruz would be another audacious move in a political career marked by them.

Cruz arrived in the Senate in 2013 as a conservative insurgent, a profile he parlayed into a 2016 presidential campaign that won the Iowa caucuses and posed the most serious threat to Trump’s march to the nomination. While Cruz and Trump fought bitterly then, they eventually patched things up and grew closer, including during Cruz’s closer-than-expected 2018 Senate race against Democrat Beto O’Rourke.

Now, Cruz chairs the powerful Senate Commerce Committee and touts himself as Trump’s “strongest ally” in the Senate. Trump has called Cruz a good friend but has also reminded his former rival who ended up the top dog in 2016.

“We had quite a campaign against Ted and it worked out quite nicely,” Trump said last year when asked about Cruz’s 2028 ambitions.

On trade, Cruz has said he is “not a fan” of tariffs and warned last year that Trump’s sweeping global trade war could be “terrible for America.” On foreign policy, Cruz has long said he occupies the “third point of a triangle” where the other points represent interventionism and isolationism.

Cruz is a fierce defender of the US-Israel alliance in the face of growing MAGA skepticism. He has confronted antisemitism head-on within the GOP and has accused influential figures like Nick Fuentes and Tucker Carlson of giving oxygen to bigotry.

“I am going to do everything I can to fight and defeat this poison, and we will not let it destroy our party or our nation,” Cruz said during his recent visit to Iowa, where he called Carlson “the single most dangerous” person pushing antisemitism on the right, a charge Carlson denies. The two sparred on Carlson’s podcast last year, which included a heated back-and-forth over Israel.

Reached by phone Wednesday, Carlson said of Cruz’s remarks: “I’ve never met a single person in 50 years who likes Ted Cruz or agrees that a senator’s job is to defend a foreign country. I think Ted is speaking to and for his donors, and I assume they’ll be the only ones voting for him. But he’s welcome back on my show anytime.”

On each of those issues, there is daylight with Vance. The vice president has vocally defended Trump’s tariff policies, has been more skeptical of foreign intervention — a stance that Trump has tested at times — and he has downplayed the idea that antisemitism is “exploding” on the right. He has declined to criticize Carlson, suggesting he is a valuable part of the political coalition that elected Trump in 2024.

Vance sarcastically remarked in a recent interview that if he does not run in 2028, the “committed, non-interventionist, America-First Ted Cruz” could carry his banner inside the party.

“He’s clearly running for president,” Vance added, more seriously.

Mike Gonzalez, a South Carolina pastor who co-chaired Cruz’s 2016 campaign there, said Cruz could run in 2028 as a “strict constitutional conservative versus that nationalism, populism, kind of candidate that Trump has” inspired.

Another Cruz 2016 supporter, the Rev. Samuel Rodriguez, said Cruz “leans toward old-school fiscal conservatism” and was not necessarily being “hawkish” toward Iran but “the angst and concern of the American electorate … because we don’t trust Iran.”

Both agreed that a primary between Vance and Cruz could benefit the party. Gonzalez said he would “love to see (Cruz) and JD Vance debate toe-to-toe.”

“I truly believe that this is a healthy discussion that the party must have and that the conservative movement should have going forward, post-President Trump,” Rodriguez said.

Deace anticipates Cruz’s support for Israel would remain popular with many older evangelical voters that are key to nominating contests in Iowa and South Carolina, as well as with some top GOP donors like Miriam Adelson, who has a longstanding relationship with the Texas Republican.

Deace said the issue of Israel “gives Ted a lane to at least justify running again and it’ll be enough for Ted to be welcomed back as a candidate.”

“But he’s going to have to show he has broader MAGA appeal to win,” Deace added.

The challenge could be seen earlier this year at the Conservative Political Action Conference held just outside Dallas. There, Cruz outlined a vision for a Republican Party that combines Trump’s populism and bedrock GOP principles like small government, low taxes and limited regulations.

The home-state crowd warmly received their junior senator. But when CPAC organizers polled attendees on their pick for president in 2028, Vance was the overwhelming favorite followed by Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

Just 1% picked Cruz.

Cruz’s endorsement of Wilson made him a key figure in a political debacle for Trump in South Carolina. Trump endorsed Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette in the primary, but after she advanced to a runoff against Wilson, Cruz endorsed Wilson and a pro-Cruz super PAC launched TV ads boosting him.

Evette sought to make Cruz’s skepticism of the Iran peace deal a liability for Wilson, calling on him to condemn Cruz’s “attacks on President Trump.”

Trump announced two days later he would be supporting both candidates in the runoff. Cruz downplayed any tensions with Trump over the contest, telling CNN they “agree on the vast majority of races, and I was very pleased to see that the president agreed with me on this one.”

Alumni of Cruz’s 2016 campaign attended some of his stops with Wilson, and Cruz deployed some lines that were staples of his old stump speech.

“God bless the great state of South Carolina,” Cruz said after taking the microphone Monday evening in Columbia, addressing a packed barbecue restaurant. He drew applause while reviving his call to abolish the Internal Revenue Service and put a “padlock” on its headquarters, a promise he made repeatedly in 2016.

Cruz paid homage to South Carolina repeatedly and bantered with local reporters about his barbecue preferences. “The best sauce is no sauce at all,” he opined.

During an earlier stop in Sumter, a town about an hour outside Columbia, an audience member asked Cruz about his interest in serving on the Supreme Court. He gave the response he has given for years: While it is “flattering” to be talked about that way, he could never withdraw from “political fights” the way a justice would have to.

After the Columbia event, Robert Alt, a 78-year-old retiree from nearby Chapin, said it was “too early” for 2028 speculation but said Cruz is among several potential candidates that he likes.

“I think that right now Vance, I would say, is probably the chosen one,” Alt said, “but that doesn’t mean that he’s going to be chosen.”

The attendees suggested they saw a pathway for Cruz even if Vance runs. Jim Hartman, an 85-year-old insurance agent from Columbia, praised both Cruz and Vance but said he thought Cruz was a more committed conservative who would “stand firm.”

Michael Alfaro, a 40-year-old Wilson supporter who came to the Columbia rally, said Cruz’s decision to endorse Wilson when Trump was exclusively backing Evette “is going to be remembered here” and could even serve as a “roadmap” for the Texas Republican in the future.

Why? “Because he’s going to run for president,” Alfaro said.

委内瑞拉地震罹难者升至164人 近千人受伤

2026年6月25日 19:22 / 联合早报

地震过后的6月25日清晨，在加拉加斯西北约30公里处的拉瓜伊拉州卡蒂亚拉马尔（Catia La Mar），居民和救援人员在受损建筑物附近展开救援工作。 （法新社）

委内瑞拉代总统罗德里格斯说，强烈地震造成的死亡人数已上升到至少164人，另有971人受伤。

法新社引述罗德里格斯称，星期三（6月24日）发生的两次最强地震之后，已记录到约30次余震。

当局最初报告称，地震造成32人死亡，700多人受伤。

委内瑞拉中部沿海地区是此次地震的重灾区，基础设施损毁严重，拉瓜伊拉州（La Guaira）情况尤其紧急，居民说，拉瓜伊拉州港口地区附近有多栋高楼倒塌。

新华社引述罗德里格斯说，当地数十栋建筑物倒塌，该州附近的加拉加斯机场也已关闭。公布的初步伤亡人数尚不包括该州。目前，救援人员正在当地展开艰苦的搜救。

委内瑞拉当地时间星期三18时左右接连发生两次七级以上强震，震源深度均为10公里。

委内瑞拉地震罹难者升至164人 近千人受伤

2026年6月25日 19:22 / 联合早报

地震过后的6月25日清晨，在加拉加斯西北约30公里处的拉瓜伊拉州卡蒂亚拉马尔（Catia La Mar），居民和救援人员在受损建筑物附近展开救援工作。 （法新社）

委内瑞拉代总统罗德里格斯说，强烈地震造成的死亡人数已上升到至少164人，另有971人受伤。

法新社引述罗德里格斯称，星期三（6月24日）发生的两次最强地震之后，已记录到约30次余震。

当局最初报告称，地震造成32人死亡，700多人受伤。

委内瑞拉中部沿海地区是此次地震的重灾区，基础设施损毁严重，拉瓜伊拉州（La Guaira）情况尤其紧急，居民说，拉瓜伊拉州港口地区附近有多栋高楼倒塌。

新华社引述罗德里格斯说，当地数十栋建筑物倒塌，该州附近的加拉加斯机场也已关闭。公布的初步伤亡人数尚不包括该州。目前，救援人员正在当地展开艰苦的搜救。

委内瑞拉一分钟内遭遇两次强震 至少32死700伤
鲁比奥：美国正“立即向委内瑞拉部署”救援人员

委内瑞拉当地时间星期三18时左右接连发生两次七级以上强震，震源深度均为10公里。

两骑士闯红灯 跑步叔被撞骨折

2026年6月25日 15:25 / 新明日报

被告布恩迪亚（左）与博罗密欧（右）6月24日分别承认一项鲁莽行为导致他人受伤，以及一项鲁莽行为导致他人重伤的罪行。 （徐颖荃摄）

两名脚踏车骑士闯红灯，结果撞上过马路的六旬阿叔，导致其左手腕骨折，必须动手术，休息了约三个月才复工。

两名菲律宾籍被告分别为42岁的布恩迪亚（Buendia Billy Ray Mercado）和32岁的博罗密欧（Borromeo Judelle David），他们星期三（6月24日）分别承认一项鲁莽行为导致他人受伤和一项鲁莽行为导致他人重伤的罪行。

根据案情，两名被告是好友，他们在去年3月15日相约从巴西立骑脚踏车去乌美。

傍晚5时许，两人沿着巴西立3通道往白沙依莱雅路（Elias Road）方向的左侧车道骑行，由博罗密欧在前方领骑。

当两人驶至巴西立3通道，抵达巴西立游泳中心前的交通灯处时，交通灯已转为红灯，但两人却无视灯号继续前行。

根据庭上播放的行车记录器画面显示，两名被告本该在红灯前停下，但他们当时只是暂时停止踩踏板，任由脚踏车向前继续滑行。

岂料，此时一名正在跑步锻炼的65岁阿叔，正沿着他们左边的人行道迎面跑来。阿叔在抵达交通灯处时直接右转准备横过马路，结果被闯红灯的博罗密欧迎头撞个正着。

紧随其后的布恩迪亚也因闪避不及，再次撞上已经摔倒在地的阿叔。布恩迪亚整个人失衡倒在阿叔身上，但他随即反应过来，立刻站起身并扶起脚踏车。

两被告主动施援并赔偿6000元

两名被告立即停下为阿叔召救护车，也提供联系方式给阿叔的儿子，并主动做出6000元赔偿。

事发后，两人陪着阿叔等到救护人员抵达现场。阿叔送院后，被诊断出左手腕骨折，隔天动手术矫正，住院八天后出院，直到去年6月才复工。除了手伤外，阿叔的左手臂和右膝盖也擦伤。

控方指两名被告闯红灯，没有采取任何预防措施，促请法官判博罗密欧坐牢四到六周、布恩迪亚坐牢两至三周。

两名被告的代表律师则说，他们不仅与伤者的儿子保持联系，带着水果篮到医院探访，也主动给予6000元赔偿，真心感到愧疚，恳求法官从轻发落。

律师也说，根据视频，被告的视线是被交通灯挡到，所以才没有注意到伤者。

案展8月4日下判。