2026-05-24T09:00:08.249Z / 美国有线电视新闻网（CNN）
- 特朗普政府已将驱逐策略调整为更为低调的方式，此前明尼阿波利斯爆发的对峙事件引发了全国公愤。
- 移民执法行动仍在继续，特工佩戴面具、逮捕无犯罪记录人员的情况依然存在，但此前铺天盖地的社交媒体视频已基本消失。
- 本届政府未能实现年内驱逐100万人的目标，但它一直在宣扬选择自行离境的人数。
CNN编辑对AI生成的摘要进行了审核。
今年早些时候，明尼阿波利斯爆发联邦与州官员对峙事件，蒙面特工射杀抗议者的视频引发公愤和抗议，此后白宫刻意放弃了此前咄咄逼人的驱逐策略。
除特朗普本人外，与这些策略关联最紧密的官员已纷纷离任。美国海关与边境保护局官员格雷格·博维诺已退休，国土安全部部长克里斯蒂·努姆被解雇。
我采访了长期报道移民议题的CNN记者普丽西拉·阿尔瓦雷斯，以了解特朗普政府的执法行动发生了哪些变化，哪些没有变。
沃尔夫： 自明尼阿波利斯事件以来的几个月里，政府推行大规模驱逐政策的方式似乎确实发生了变化。究竟发生了什么？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 要最好地回答这个问题，我认为尤其需要回顾明尼阿波利斯事件，原因之一是汤姆·霍曼的上任。
还记得两名美国公民死于联邦特工之手后，总统派遣他的边境事务专员汤姆·霍曼前往明尼阿波利斯进行整改。霍曼抵达后，移民执法行动的方式发生了显著转变。此前，时任海关与边境保护局高级官员的格雷格·博维诺采取激进执法风格，而最终支持并批准博维诺这套做法的正是国土安全部部长克里斯蒂·努姆——所有这些行动都极具炫耀性、咄咄逼人。
霍曼上任后，最明显的转变是，移民执法虽然仍在进行，但变得低调得多。当时发生的变化如今已在全国范围内铺开。
博维诺离开了海关与边境保护局，国土安全部部长克里斯蒂·努姆也被唐纳德·特朗普总统解雇，马克韦恩·马林接任该职位。
政策的实质并未改变。他们仍在全国范围内积极逮捕无证移民，但执法方式和对外展示的方式发生了变化。此前，他们会在各类社交媒体上发布此类行动的高调视频。如今，这类情况已不复存在。正如马林部长所言，现在的行动要低调得多。
沃尔夫： 是霍曼实际上在制定政策，还是马林加入了自己的风格？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 首先要明确的是，汤姆·霍曼是一名经验丰富的执法官员。他曾在移民及海关执法局工作多年，先后为共和党和民主党政府效力。如今，他身为白宫边境事务专员，处于独特的职位。在努姆担任部长期间，两人几乎从不沟通，关系相当紧张。而在马克韦恩·马林上任后，霍曼会与他交流，两人甚至经常公开表示他们的沟通频率很高。
我们如今看到的是汤姆·霍曼式的移民执法标准做法。他称之为“靶向执法”，即针对有犯罪记录的人员，但也不排除如果遇到其他无犯罪记录的无证移民，同样会将其纳入执法行动范围。
但从大局来看，也就是本届政府或总统的移民议程，这也由白宫副幕僚长斯蒂芬·米勒主导，他也在其中留下了自己的印记。我认为，人们可能会混淆的一点是，霍曼非常注重执法，这是他专注的领域。而米勒通常主导大局移民议程，该议程推动了多个涉及移民事务的部门的政策和政策调整。
沃尔夫： 移民和边境官员仍在做数月前引发巨大争议的那些事吗？比如佩戴面具、在学校附近开展执法行动，这些行为在明尼阿波利斯事件前就曾引发美国民众反感。这些做法现在还在继续吗？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 简短的答案是“是的”。我想明确一点，霍曼自始至终都参与其中。不同的是，霍曼和努姆在移民执法的执行方式上意见不合，而现在霍曼和马林立场一致，因此他们在移民执法方面配合得更加紧密。
但没错，特工们仍在佩戴面具。
仍有不少无犯罪记录但非法滞留美国的人员被逮捕。所以，执法对象并不总是像本届政府所说的那样，仅限于“最恶劣的罪犯”。他们自己也承认，被捕人员中不乏无犯罪记录者。
他们仍会将这些人拘留并驱逐出境，甚至将他们遣送至与其毫无关联的遥远国家。
我想说的是，此次确实有一项引发关注的变化：逮捕令的使用。还记得曾经有解读认为，移民及海关执法局可以使用行政令（无需法官签发的逮捕令）进入私人住宅。马林在确认听证会上表示，移民逮捕应使用司法逮捕令，而非行政令。这一变化已在实地落实，但除此之外，很多情况并未改变。
沃尔夫： 特朗普政府曾计划驱逐100万甚至更多移民。这一目标仍在推进吗？他们有望达成这一数字吗？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 对他们而言，这绝对是目标。我认为这里面有细微差别。他们并未实现年内驱逐100万人的目标——这是特朗普政府去年年初提出的既定目标。国土安全部方面常说，已有数百万人自行离境，因此他们将这部分人数纳入总驱逐人数中，声称已完成驱逐100万人的目标。
我们没有数据能够证实政府经常提及的自行离境人数。根据我们自己的报道，有数万人选择了海关与边境保护局所谓的“家园计划”，利用政府常提及的经济激励措施自行离境。但我们没有任何证据表明有数百万人选择自行离境。
我要指出的是，我曾报道过自行离境的案例，确实有一些人不愿使用该计划，甚至不愿公开自己从美国自行离境的事实。因此，这一数字确实很难量化。
我还要提到，汤姆·霍曼今年曾表示，大规模驱逐行动确实在按计划推进，他们正大力推进这项激进的执法运动。
沃尔夫： 我们了解到人们从政府那里领取资金以自行离境吗？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 我对此做过一些报道，也采访过领取到资金的人，经济激励最高可达2600美元。政府设立了一个项目，让人们可以选择自行离境：他们可以选择参与，返回原籍国后即可领取这笔经济激励。我采访过这样做并领到钱的人。但我也接触过一些人，比如去年我们报道过的一个家庭，他们选择自行返回墨西哥，但从未告知政府，也不想让政府知道他们的行踪，他们对领取经济激励毫无兴趣，只是决定离开。
我的意思是，究竟有多少人选择自行离境，确实很难量化。政府反复声称这一数字已超过220万，但我们没有任何证据可以佐证。
沃尔夫： 本届政府还取消了多个寻求美国庇护的群体的临时保护身份（TPS），包括海地、叙利亚、阿富汗等国的民众。目前这些举措的效果如何？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 我想你想问的是，我从多名国土安全部官员那里听到的一种说法：让无证移民和部分合法留美移民在美国的生活变得无比艰难，迫使他们主动离开。驱逐某人是一项艰巨的任务，此前几届政府之所以无法实现年内驱逐100万人，原因就在于此——这是一个复杂的流程。因此，要达成他们期望的驱逐人数，他们必须在一定程度上依赖人们主动选择离开，而通过施加压力，他们确实可以迫使人们这样做。
没错，本届政府已经取消了临时保护身份，这是一种为已留美人员提供的人道主义救济，允许他们在一定期限内合法居留和工作。这一做法在首届特朗普政府时期就曾出现过。共和党人普遍不喜欢这个项目，因为他们认为本应临时的保护身份被反复延长，失去了“临时”的本意，事实也确实如此。
部分保护身份的有效期已经很长，历经多届政府仍在续签，这让持有该身份的人可以合法居留、工作。一旦取消这一身份，他们就成了非法滞留者，对吧？这会让他们的生活变得异常艰难。原本可以合法工作，现在却不行了。
所有这些都仍在法院审理当中，但我认为，这一举措的核心就是让留在美国变得无比艰难，迫使你——也就是这些执法行动的对象——主动离开。
他们通过收紧整个移民系统的管控来实现这一点，针对无证移民、试图合法留美或已合法留美并申请绿卡的人群，以及其他相关群体。
沃尔夫： 特朗普曾吹嘘边境如今已“切实安全”，没人再越境。我们可以相信这一说法吗？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 不，总会有人越境。我认为这只是一个数字游戏。如今越境的人数比过去少，被释放的人数也比过去少。这意味着什么？比如在拜登政府时期，边境偷渡人数过多，在对个人进行筛查和背景调查后，他们会将这些人释放到美国境内，继续推进移民诉讼程序。
而在特朗普政府时期，这种情况已大幅减少。偷渡者被抓获后，可能会被拘留，也可能会被立即遣返回原籍国。但边境总会有人偷渡，只是人数多少的问题。当然，如今的偷渡人数比上一届政府时期要少得多，上一届政府时期美国南部边境曾爆发移民危机。
沃尔夫： 政府试图传递的信息是，美国对移民，尤其是无证移民并不友好，这一信息是否起到了减少人们偷渡意愿的作用？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 多年来，美国一直依靠威慑政策来阻止人们非法越境。我认为这种威慑效果很脆弱。比如，首届特朗普政府2018年推出的“零容忍”政策，也就是家庭分离政策，本意就是为了威慑人们非法移民，确实引起了轩然大波。但一年后，我就在首届特朗普政府时期报道了边境危机。新冠疫情爆发，导致西半球出现了疫情前无法预料的大规模移民潮。
当然，人们看到美国国内的情况，会感到气馁，不想移民到美国。但全球范围内随时可能出现政策制定者无法控制的各种情况，导致移民人数激增，国土安全部始终在密切关注这一点。
沃尔夫： 作为每日报道这条新闻的记者，你希望更多人了解最近几个月来的大规模驱逐行动的哪一点？
阿尔瓦雷斯： 我们经常使用“大规模驱逐”这个词，因为这是特朗普总统竞选时的承诺，也是他的官员在谈论其移民议程时的常用说法。但本届政府的移民议程并不仅仅针对非法留美人员，也不仅仅针对有犯罪记录的非法留美人员。
议程的范围要广泛得多。它旨在收紧整个美国移民系统的管控，这不仅会影响非法留美人员，还会影响合法留美人员以及试图合法入境美国的人群。我认为这一点常常被人们忽视。这不仅仅是驱逐无证移民，而是对美国移民系统进行全面重塑，决定谁可以留在美国，谁不可以。
What happened to the Trump administration’s in-your-face mass deportations?
2026-05-24T09:00:08.249Z / CNN
- The Trump administration has shifted its deportation strategy to a more low-profile approach after confrontations in Minneapolis sparked national outrage.
- Immigration enforcement operations continue with masked agents and arrests of people without criminal records, but the flashy social media videos have largely disappeared.
- The administration has not reached its goal of deporting one million people in a year, but it has touted the number of people who have chosen to self-deport.
AI-generated summary was reviewed by a CNN editor.
The White House has intentionally retreated from its in-your-face deportation approach after confrontations between federal and state officials in multiple states erupted in Minneapolis earlier this year, when video of masked agents killing protesters sparked outrage and protest.
The officials, beyond Trump, most associated with those tactics are gone. US Border Patrol official Greg Bovino has retired. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem was fired.
I went to CNN’s Priscilla Alvarez, who has covered immigration for years, to understand what has and has not changed in the Trump administration’s efforts.
WOLF: In the months since Minneapolis, it seems like there’s been a real change in how the administration is pursuing its mass deportation policy. What has happened?
ALVAREZ: To best answer your question, I think it’s good to revisit Minneapolis for one reason in particular, which is the arrival of Tom Homan.
Recall that after the death of the two US citizens by federal agents, the president dispatched Tom Homan, his border czar, to Minneapolis to course correct. When Homan arrived, there was a noticeable shift in the way that immigration enforcement operations were happening. Whereas before you had Gregory Bovino, then a top Border Patrol official with his aggressive approach to enforcement, you had Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, who was ultimately the one who backed and approved Bovino’s style — all of it was quite flashy and in your face.
When Homan came in, the noticeable shift was that suddenly immigration enforcement, while still happening, was happening far more under the radar. What occurred there has been happening now across the country.
Bovino left the US Border Patrol, and at DHS, Secretary Kristi Noem was fired by President Donald Trump, and that led to Markwayne Mullin taking that position.
The substance of the policies has not changed. They are still being aggressive in arresting undocumented immigrants nationwide, but the way in which it’s done and the way that they showcase it has changed. Before, you had very flashy, in-your-face videos across all social media of these operations. Now, you don’t necessarily have that. It’s much more quiet, as Secretary Mullin describes it.
WOLF: Is Homan effectively setting the policy, or has Mullin put his own mark on things?
ALVAREZ: The way to think about this is, first of all, Tom Homan is a veteran law enforcement official. He worked at Immigration and Customs Enforcement for many, many years, for Republican and Democratic administrations. Now, he’s in this unique position of White House Border Czar. Under Secretary Noem, the two of them did not talk to one another. They had a quite tense relationship. With Secretary Markwayne Mullin, Homan does talk to him. They actually regularly say publicly how often they are talking with one another.
What we’re seeing now is the sort of staple Tom Homan approach to immigration enforcement. He calls it a targeted approach, which is to say targeting people with criminal histories, but not foreclosing that if they come across other undocumented immigrants who perhaps have no criminal history, that they too can be swept up in those operations.
But when we’re talking big picture, which is to say the administration’s or the president’s immigration agenda, that is also dictated by Stephen Miller, the White House deputy chief of staff. He also has his mark on all of this. I think the difference, and where people may be confused, is that Homan is very enforcement-minded. That is the slice of things that he is focused on. Miller has generally led the charge on the big picture immigration agenda, which is driving policy and policy changes across multiple departments that touch immigration.
WOLF: Are immigration and border officials still doing the things that were so controversial months ago, like wearing masks, targeting people near schools, things that rubbed Americans the wrong way in the lead up to Minneapolis. Is that still going on?
ALVAREZ: The short answer is yes. And I do want to be clear, Homan has been around this whole time. The difference was that Homan and Noem were not on the same page about how immigration enforcement was carried out, and now Homan and Mullin are, and so they’re more in lockstep in terms of how immigration enforcement is done.
But yes, agents are still wearing masks.
There are still people who are being arrested who do not have a criminal history, but are in the United States illegally. So, it’s not always just the worst of the worst, which is what we hear from this administration. They themselves have similarly said that there are people that they are arresting who don’t have criminal history.
They are still placing them in detention and still deporting them, and they’re still deporting them to far-flung countries that they may not have any connection to.
I would say one difference that certainly made a splash now is the use of warrants. Recall, there was a time where there was an interpretation that ICE was making that administrative warrants (warrants issued without a judge) could be used to go onto private property. Mullin said during his confirmation hearing that that should be an authority under a judicial warrant, not an administrative warrant, which is the one used for immigration arrests. That change has happened on the ground, but otherwise a lot of it remains the same.
WOLF: The Trump administration wanted to deport a million people or more. Is that still a goal? Are they on track to reach that number?
ALVAREZ: That’s absolutely a goal for them. I think there’s nuance here. They did not reach a million deportations in a year, which was their stated goal at the start of the Trump administration last year. What they often say — they being the Department of Homeland Security — is that millions of people have self-deported, and so they sort of lump that into their overarching goal that that they have deported a million people.
We don’t have the data that backs up the number of self deportations that the administration often talks about. We know from our own reporting that tens of thousands of people have opted to use their CBP Home program, as they call it, to facilitate their self-deportation and take advantage of the financial incentives that the administration has often talked about. But we do not have anything or any evidence to show that millions of people have decided to self-deport.
I will note that I have reported on self-deportations, and there are certainly cases where people do not wish to use the program, or even publicize that they are self-deported from the US. So it is just a very hard number to quantify.
We have also heard from Tom Homan this year that mass deportations are certainly on track, and they are very much moving forward with their aggressive campaign.
WOLF: What do we know about whether people are taking money from the administration to self-deport?
ALVAREZ: I’ve done some reporting on this, and I have spoken to people who did get the money, the financial incentives, which are up to $2,600. There is a program which the administration set up for people to opt into self-deportation. They could opt in, they would go to their origin country, and that is where they would collect the financial incentive. I have talked to people who have done that and have collected the money. There are still people that I have spoken with, and one that a family we profiled last year that decided to self-deport to Mexico, but never told the government. They did not want the government to know what they were doing. They had no interest in collecting the financial incentive. That was their choice, and they decided to leave.
My point is that it is a very hard number to quantify in terms of how many people are self-deporting. The administration has come out with their number repeatedly — it’s over 2.2 million. We just don’t have any evidence to back that up.
WOLF: The administration has also removed temporary protective status (TPS) for various communities of people who sought refuge in the US (Haiti, Syria, Afghanistan and more). How are those efforts working at this point?
ALVAREZ: Well, I think what you’re getting at is something that I’ve heard from multiple Homeland Security officials, which is to make it so hard for undocumented immigrants and some immigrants in the US legally to be in the United States that they choose to leave the country. Deporting someone is hard. There is a reason that previous administrations have not been able to get to a million deportations in a year. It’s a process. And so to reach the numbers they want to reach, they do have to depend in part on people deciding to leave on their own, and they can get people to do that by making them feel the squeeze.
Yes, the administration has rescinded temporary protected status, which is a form of humanitarian relief for people already in the US to live and work here legally for a period of time. This happened under the first Trump administration as well. Republicans generally don’t like this program because they feel that something that is meant to be temporary gets extended over and over again, and it loses sort of the temporary aspect, which is true.
Some of these statuses have gone on for a very long time. They get renewed over multiple administrations, so that makes someone who was living here with the protection they have, protections to be here, to live and work here. You strip that away, then they are here illegally, right? And that makes your life much more difficult. So, you were able to work legally, now you’re not able to work legally.
All of this is the subject of lawsuits that are still ongoing in the courts, but I think what this really boils down to is make it so hard to be in the US that you choose to leave, you being the person that is the subject of this crackdown.
They do that by tightening the screws across the immigration system for those who are undocumented and for those who are trying to be trying to be here legally or already are here legally and are trying to obtain green cards, and the rest.
WOLF: Trump has bragged that the border is effectively secure now, and that nobody is crossing the border. Do we believe that to be true?
ALVAREZ: No, people are always crossing the border. I think it’s just a numbers game. There are fewer crossing the border than there used to be. There are fewer releases than there used to be. What does that mean? Under, for example, the Biden administration, they were so overwhelmed by the number of people crossing that after screening and vetting individuals, they would release them into the United States to continue on with their immigration proceedings.
That is happening far less under the Trump administration. They are being apprehended and then they may be detained, or they may be immediately sent back to their origin country. But people are always crossing the border, it’s just a matter of how many, and certainly there are far fewer that are crossing now than were under the previous administration, when there was a crisis along the US Southern border.
WOLF: Do we think that the message that the administration has tried to put out there, that essentially the US is not hospitable to immigration, and particularly undocumented immigration, has that had the effect of making fewer people want to come here?
ALVAREZ: The US has generally leaned on deterrence policy over the years to keep people from illegally migrating to the United States. I think that is a fragile thing. For example, there was the zero-tolerance policy, otherwise known as the family separation policy, under the first Trump administration in 2018 and certainly that was jarring and meant as a deterrent for people to not legally migrate. Yet a year later I was covering a crisis on the border under the first Trump administration. The pandemic happened, and that led to massive migratory flows in the Western Hemisphere that couldn’t have been anticipated prior to the pandemic.
Certainly people are seeing what’s happening in the US and they feel discouraged or not interested in coming here and migrating here, but there is a world of possibilities of things that can happen around the globe that are outside of the policymakers’ control that could lead to people coming here in bigger numbers, and I think that’s always something that the Department of Homeland Security is watching for.
WOLF: As somebody who covers this every day, what is the thing that you wish more people understood about the mass deportation effort in the last couple of months?
ALVAREZ: We often use the term mass deportation because that is what President Trump campaigned on. It is what we hear from his officials when talking about his immigration agenda, but the administration’s immigration agenda is not solely focused on people who are in the United States illegally, nor people who are in the United States illegally and have committed crimes.
The agenda is broader than that. It is a tightening of the screws of the entire US immigration system that not only has consequences for people in the US illegally, but also for people who are here legally, who are, or who are trying to come to the US legally, and I think that that part of this often gets missed. It’s not just about deporting undocumented immigrants, it is a wholesale rethinking of the US immigration system, and who is allowed to be here or not be here.
