2026-11-13T10:00:16.149Z / CNN
副总统J·D·万斯在上周灾难性的中期选举后,已认真考虑过是否要参加2028年的总统竞选,接近他的人士告知CNN。
尽管万斯尚未下定决心,但对约十几名盟友和顾问的采访显示,这位副总统正纠结于自己的政治抱负、MAGA联盟的分裂以及父亲身份带来的责任。他们形容他坚定致力于重建2024年助其胜选的运动,却不确定自己是否该成为带领者。
“他做出任何决定我都不会意外,”其中一位人士表示,“他才42岁,还年轻,若环境让成功无望,他完全可以卷土重来。只是现在可能还不是他的时机。”
曾被视为2028年明显领跑者的万斯尚未设定决策时间线,白宫竞选仍未被排除。部分盟友坚称他参选的可能性超过不参选。
万斯在中期选举次日上午在X平台发布的长文让他的支持者受到鼓舞——推文将共和党惨败归咎于伊朗战争——他们认为这为他潜在的总统竞选勾勒出了框架。消息人士向CNN透露,这篇推文也激怒了唐纳德·特朗普总统。
但在与朋友和忠实支持者的私下交谈中,万斯的表态并不那么确定。接近他的人士坚称,他今年年初尚未确定参选,且今年夏天他第四个孩子的降生,已在白宫内部引发猜测,认为他可能会推迟自己的总统抱负。
不过近期,他的考量集中在一个根本问题上:在特朗普打造的政治环境下,他本人或任何共和党人能否赢得大选?
伊朗战争的阴影笼罩着这些盘算,盟友们认为这或许是万斯总统抱负的最大障碍。很大程度上取决于特朗普能否在不进一步削弱公众对白宫信任的情况下,迅速结束这场不受欢迎的冲突。
“问题不在于J·D·能否做到,而在于:如果伊朗战争仍在持续,共和党人还有谁能做到?”一位万斯盟友表示,“如果他们不结束伊朗战争,2028年没有任何共和党人有胜算。”
万斯最坚定的一些盟友坚称,万斯并未被中期选举的结果过度影响,他们指出两年时间足够让政治风向再度转向他。他们仍然坚定认为,若他参加2028年竞选,将在共和党初选中占据主导地位。
有影响力的社会保守派倡导组织美国原则项目主席特里·席林表示,万斯出于政治权宜而放弃竞选将是个错误。
“他基本已就位成为将军,而我们即将面临一场最大规模的战斗之一,”席林称,“如果他不参选,我才会意外。”
其他共和党人——嗅到大选机会——已开始行动,争取2028年的曝光度,包括佛罗里达州州长罗恩·德桑蒂斯、得克萨斯州联邦参议员特德·克鲁兹和佐治亚州州长布赖恩·肯普。万斯的盟友坚称,他们对日益激烈的竞争并不在意,指出共和党初选分裂的局面曾帮助特朗普在2016年和2024年获得提名。
对万斯而言,当下的首要任务是重建并重振看似迅速崩溃的MAGA联盟。
在这项努力中,他拥有一位日益强大的盟友:本周,特朗普的忠实拥护者斯蒂芬·米勒被晋升为白宫幕僚长。外界普遍认为,米勒认同万斯的想法,即引导政府兑现那些激励了特朗普众多追随者的竞选承诺。两人都意识到,他们首先需要迅速结束这场战争——这是政府一直难以做到的事情。
但11月3日选民给共和党带来的惨败——包括许多2024年支持特朗普的选民在内——已将任务的艰巨性暴露无遗。此次失利的范围远远超出了白宫官员和特朗普竞选团队成员最糟糕的预测。而结束伊朗战争仍没有明确答案,这是这项努力的关键节点。
民调显示,2024年帮助特朗普当选的几乎每个阵营今年都大幅背离了他,包括男性、年轻人、拉丁裔以及未上过大学的白人选民。
白宫官员以及特朗普和万斯的顾问们都承认,要让这些选民回归难度极大。即便有一线乐观,他们也认为这源于民主党的不受欢迎以及民众对政府日益增长的普遍不满。
万斯的盟友和顾问们设想,若他参选,将试图重拾助他当选参议员和副总统的反华盛顿、反建制口号。但鉴于他当前的权力地位,这一宣传会难上加难。
在过去两年里,万斯将选民面临的许多困境归咎于前总统乔·拜登,未来数月里,由民主党控制的国会或许会成为他的新对手。
“这是我们可以利用的优势,”一位万斯盟友表示,并指出两年时间里很多情况都可能改变,“就看看特朗普自胜选以来的境遇便知。”
但与MAGA运动联系紧密的民调专家里奇·巴里斯表示,此次损失比普通选民的不满更为严重。他补充道,许多特朗普支持者对特朗普未能让生活成本下降,以及他曾承诺不会发动新的对外战争却违背承诺感到失望。
巴里斯认为,万斯仍是共和党最适合收拾残局的人,但这可能需要他组建一个新的民粹主义联盟。
“MAGA已经不行了,”巴里斯称,“这位副总统要面对的问题是,他必须让他们(MAGA选民)重新振作起来,让他们重拾信心,因为共和党的品牌已完全失去了他们的信任。”
这些分歧不仅为万斯潜在的初选挑战者创造了空间,也为有影响力的特朗普批评者、保守派激进分子塔克·卡尔森提供了机会,他暗示可能会以第三党候选人身份参选,这可能会彻底颠覆2028年的政治格局。巴里斯表示,这种威胁不应被忽视,作为卡尔森密友的万斯可以帮助该党避免这种情况。
“这就是为什么我认为万斯是唯一的前进之路,”巴里斯称,“如果他们不修复这些裂痕,就绝对无法获胜。”
考虑到共和党许多大财团在中期选举中遭遇重大挫折,万斯还面临着总统竞选所需的政治机器问题。例如,尚不清楚中期选举中主要的资助机构、与特朗普结盟的超级政治行动委员会MAGA Inc.,还是亿万富翁埃隆·马斯克的America PAC——两者的资助几乎没有带来胜利——是否仍会在2028年为万斯效力。
与此同时,已背书万斯的转向美国组织(Turning Point USA),在亚利桑那州的全州选举中支持的候选人全军覆没,且在他们希望为2028年奠定基础的新罕布什尔州和内华达州也未能取得显著进展。在俄亥俄州,接近万斯的政治操盘手不仅未能让维韦克·拉马斯瓦米当选州长,其竞选活动还因一则广告遭到广泛谴责,广告内容涉及民主党人艾米·阿克顿疏远的母亲,部分共和党人将该州的失利部分归咎于这则广告。
但万斯的盟友对这些挑战不予理会,认为导致中期选举惨淡结果的是全国大环境,而非这些团体的策略。
他们还坚称,如果万斯决定参选,他们完全有信心获得支撑他竞选所需的财力。消息人士指出他与马斯克、前贝宝首席执行官彼得·泰尔等富裕盟友关系密切。万斯过去一年担任共和党全国委员会财务主席,这一职位让他有机会定期与该党最大的金主接触。
一位熟悉相关会议的消息人士告知CNN,本周,一个名为罗克布里奇网络、由万斯盟友组成的紧密金主团体在休斯顿举行会议,开始重新集结,等待他的决定。
关于万斯将如何应对这一新政治格局,最明确的信号出现在中期选举次日上午,他发表了一篇尖锐的共和党败选评估,暴露了自己未来的选举弱点。
“我们输的原因是战争,总统本人昨晚也这么说,”万斯写道,“如果你们想争辩说这一切值得——为了未来6年参议院都输给民主党也值得——那就去辩吧。争辩这是值得付出的代价。无论你们同意与否,至少这是诚实的。但每个人都知道我们为何输。任何关于我们下一步走向的坦诚对话都必须从这里开始。”
万斯对这场战争的批评,对那些私下与其谈论过伊朗问题的人来说并不意外。甚至在打击行动尚未发动时,他就直接向特朗普表达了自己的保留意见。
但他直言不讳的尖锐批评让政府内部许多人措手不及,一些官员解读为副总统为了保护自己的政治未来,试图与一场不受欢迎的战争划清界限。
有人向特朗普提前通报了万斯计划发布声明的消息,他公开表示不在乎。然而,知情人士称,私下里特朗普已批评万斯处理相关言论的方式。这些人士表示,尽管特朗普如今认同伊朗是共和党惨败的主要原因,但他对万斯没有公开站出来支持特朗普发动战争的决定并为之辩护感到“恼火”。
“他是对的,但有一点例外,”特朗普周日对记者表示,“他应该补充一句话:‘如果重来一次,你们还会做同样的选择吗?’答案是肯定的。”
一位白宫官员告知CNN:“白宫在推文发布前就已知情,总统也提前收到了简报,对此没有任何意见。”
周四,特朗普此前曾委派万斯牵头伊朗谈判,他让万斯停止相关工作,转而“将全部精力”投入反腐败。
“那些日子早就过去了,”总统在真实社交(Truth Social)上发文,尽管最近几天外交谈判已恢复。
这一事件暴露了特朗普与万斯之间的微妙紧张关系,随着他们应对政治继任,这种紧张关系将被密切关注。
2024年,万斯被纳入竞选团队,部分原因是为了承接特朗普的政治衣钵,但特朗普并未表示如果万斯参选,他会为副总统背书。
万斯则表示,如果他决定参选,预计会得到总统的支持。
私下里,特朗普已告诉助手和盟友,他希望暂时不干预总统初选,观察不同候选人的表现后再做出选择。
在接受《60分钟》采访时被问及是否最终会背书时,特朗普回答:“可能——但不一定。”
在万斯那篇长达617字的伊朗议题推文中,副总统还表示,华盛顿应专注于结束战争、解决民生成本问题、重新聚焦国内挑战,并重新审视美国与以色列的关系。
一位特朗普的筹款人告知CNN,他在X上的推文被广泛视为万斯倾向参选的信号。巴里斯称,这是特朗普核心圈内人首次承认其众多支持者的不满情绪。一些特朗普官员私下表示,他们很高兴终于有人把真话讲出来了。
但仍支持万斯的席林承认,中期选举极大地改变了共和党总统竞选的格局。
“我确实认为竞选格局已被彻底打乱,”他说,“且没有明显的继承人。”
Vance confronts a new political reality: 2028 ‘may not be his time’
2026-11-13T10:00:16.149Z / CNN
Vice President JD Vance has given serious consideration to not running for president in 2028 after last week’s calamitous midterm elections, people close to him tell CNN.
While Vance has yet to make up his mind, interviews with roughly a dozen allies and advisers reveal a vice president wrestling with his political ambitions, the fracturing of the MAGA coalition and the demands of fatherhood. They described him as deeply committed to rebuilding the movement that won in 2024 but uncertain over whether he should be the one to lead it.
“I wouldn’t be surprised by any decision he makes,” one of those people said. “He’s only 42. He’s young enough that he can have a comeback should this environment make success impossible. It just may not be his time.”
Vance, once considered the clear 2028 frontrunner, has not set a timeline for the decision, and a White House bid remains firmly on the table. Some allies are adamant that it is more likely than not that he runs.
His supporters were encouraged by a lengthy message Vance posted on X the morning after the midterms — which blamed the rampant Republican losses on the Iran war — believing it signaled his framework for a potential presidential campaign. The post also irritated President Donald Trump, sources told CNN.
But in private conversations with friends and loyalists, Vance sounds less certain. People close to him insist he entered the year uncommitted, and the arrival of his fourth child this summer had already fueled speculation inside the White House that he might put his presidential ambitions on hold.
More recently, though, his deliberations have centered on a fundamental question: Can he — or any Republican — win in the political climate Trump has created?
Looming over those calculations is the war with Iran, which allies see as perhaps the greatest obstacle to Vance’s presidential ambitions. Much may depend on whether Trump can bring the unpopular conflict to a swift conclusion without further eroding the public’s trust in the White House.
“The question isn’t if JD can do it. It’s: If the Iran war is still happening, can any Republican do it?” a Vance ally said. “If they don’t end the war in Iran, no Republican has a shot at 2028.”
Some of Vance’s fiercest allies insist that Vance is not overtly fazed by the results of the midterms, noting that two years is a long time during which political favor can swing back his way. They also remain committed to the belief that should he enter the 2028 race, he will dominate the Republican primaries.
Terry Schilling, the president of the American Principles Project, an influential social conservative advocacy group, said it would be a mistake for Vance to forgo a run out of political expediency.
“He’s basically teed up to be the general and we’re going into one of the biggest battles,” Schilling said. “I would be surprised if he doesn’t run.”
Other Republicans — smelling blood in the water — have already made moves to seize the 2028 spotlight, including Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, Texas Sen. Ted Cruz and Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp. Vance’s allies insist they are unbothered by the emerging competition, noting that a divided Republican field helped Trump secure the nomination in 2016 and 2024.
For Vance, the immediate priority is rebuilding and reenergizing a MAGA coalition that appears to have rapidly collapsed.
He has an increasingly powerful ally in that effort, as Trump loyalist Stephen Miller was promoted to White House chief of staff this week. Miller is widely believed to share Vance’s interest in steering the administration toward the campaign promises that animated many of Trump’s followers. Both men realize that they first need to find a swift exit to the war — something the administration has consistently struggled to do.
But the scale of the task has become painfully clear after the November 3 shellacking delivered to Republicans by voters — including many 2024 Trump supporters. The breadth of the losses far eclipsed even the bleakest predictions of White House officials and members of Trump’s political operation. And there’s still no clear answer to ending the Iran war, a critical point in this effort.
Polls show that essentially every faction that helped elect Trump in 2024 pivoted hard away from him this year, including men, young people, Latinos and white non-college educated voters.
White House officials and advisers to both Trump and Vance acknowledge the steep climb in convincing these voters to come back. If there is a sliver of optimism, they believe it lies in the unpopularity of the Democratic Party and the growing overall disillusionment with government.
Vance’s allies and advisers envision that, if he runs, he would try to recapture the anti-Washington, anti-establishment message that propelled him to the Senate and then the vice presidency. But that’s a considerably harder sell given his current position of power.
A Democratic-controlled Congress could also offer a new foil for Vance in the coming months after he spent much of the last two years blaming former President Joe Biden for many of the hardships facing voters.
“That’s something we can use to our advantage,” one Vance ally said, adding that a lot can change in the span of two years. “Just look at how far Trump has fallen since his win.”
But Rich Baris, a pollster closely connected to the MAGA movement, said the damage runs deeper than ordinary voter frustration. Many Trump supporters, he added, feel betrayed by Trump’s failure to make life more affordable and his broken promise not to start new foreign wars.
Baris argued Vance remains the Republican best positioned to pick up the pieces, but it may require him to forge a new populist coalition.
“MAGA is dead,” Baris said. “The problem the vice president is going to have is that he has to motivate (MAGA voters) and make them believe again, because the Republican brand has completely lost credibility with them.”
The divisions have not only created space for potential primary challengers to Vance, but for conservative firebrand Tucker Carlson, an influential Trump critic, to tease a third-party bid that could upend the political landscape in 2028. It’s a threat that Baris said shouldn’t be dismissed, and one that Vance, a close friend to Carlson, can help the party avoid.
“This is why I think Vance is the only path forward,” Baris said. “They absolutely cannot win if they don’t repair these rifts.”
Vance also faces questions about the political machinery he would need to run a presidential campaign, given many of the GOP’s big-money operations suffered significant setbacks in the midterms. It’s not clear, for example, whether MAGA Inc., the Trump-aligned super PAC, or billionaire Elon Musk’s America PAC, both major midterm spenders with few victories to show for it, will remain engaged on Vance’s behalf in 2028.
Meanwhile, Turning Point USA, which has already endorsed Vance, saw its preferred candidates swept in Arizona’s statewide races and failed to make noticeable headway in New Hampshire and Nevada, where it had hoped to build toward 2028. And in Ohio, political operatives close to Vance not only failed to get Vivek Ramaswamy to the governor’s mansion, the campaign drew widespread condemnation for an ad featuring Democrat Amy Acton’s estranged mother that some Republicans blamed in part for the party’s losses.
But Vance’s allies have brushed off those challenges, arguing it was the national environment, not those groups’ tactics, that led to the dismal midterm results.
They also maintain that, should Vance decide to run, they are wholly confident there will be a financial juggernaut to sustain his campaign. The sources pointed to his close relationships with Musk and former PayPal CEO Peter Thiel — among other wealthy allies. Vance also spent the past year as the Republican National Committee finance chair, a role that gave him regular face time with the party’s biggest donors.
This week, a close-knit group of donors aligned with Vance called the Rockbridge Network met in Houston to begin regrouping as they await his decision, a source familiar with the meeting told CNN.
The clearest indication yet of how Vance might navigate this new political landscape came the morning after the midterms, when he delivered a blistering assessment of the Republican defeats that laid bare his own electoral vulnerabilities moving forward.
“The reason we lost is the war. The president himself said so last night,” Vance wrote. “If you’d like to argue it was worth it, that losing the Senate for the next 6 years was worth it, then do so. Argue it was a worthwhile cost to pay. Agree or disagree, that’s at least honest. But everyone knows why we lost. And any honest conversation about where we go from here must start there.”
Vance’s criticism of the war was hardly surprising to anyone who has spoken to him about Iran in private. He vocalized his reservations directly to Trump, before strikes were even launched.
But his blunt and searing critique caught many in the administration off guard, with some officials interpreting it as an attempt by the vice president to distance himself from an unpopular war to protect his political future.
Trump received a heads up that Vance was planning to blast out a statement and has publicly shrugged it off. Privately, however, Trump has criticized Vance for how he handled his commentary, two people familiar with the discussions said. While Trump has come to agree Iran was largely responsible for the party’s heavy losses, those people said he was “pissed off” that Vance didn’t publicly stand by Trump’s decision to enter the war and defend its merits.
“He was right, other than one thing,” Trump told reporters on Sunday. “He should have made one other statement: ‘If you had it to do again, would you do it again?’ The answer is yes.”
A White House official told CNN: “The White House was aware before the post went out. POTUS was briefed beforehand as well and did not have any issues with it.”
On Thursday, Trump told Vance — whom he had previously tasked with leading Iran negotiations — to stand down and instead “focus his complete and total attention” on corruption.
“Those days have long since passed,” the president wrote on Truth Social, despite diplomatic talks resuming in recent days.
The saga has exposed a delicate tension between Trump and Vance that will be closely watched as they navigate political succession.
While Vance was put on the ticket in 2024 in part to take the baton from Trump, the president has not said he will endorse his vice president should he run.
Vance, for his part, has said he expects to have the president’s support if he decides to enter the race.
Behind closed doors, Trump has told aides and allies that he wants to stay out of the presidential primary for a while and see how different candidates fare before putting his finger on the scale.
Asked by “60 Minutes” if he would eventually make an endorsement, Trump replied: “Probably — not necessarily.”
Elsewhere in Vance’s 617-word message on Iran, the vice president said Washington should focus on ending the war, tackling affordability, refocusing on domestic challenges and reconsidering America’s relationship with Israel.
One Trump fundraiser told CNN that his post on X was widely seen as a sign that Vance was leaning toward jumping in. Baris called it the first time someone inside Trump’s inner circle acknowledged the anger felt by many of his supporters. Some Trump officials privately said they were glad someone finally said the quiet part out loud.
But Schilling, who remains supportive of Vance, acknowledged how dramatically the midterms have reshaped the Republican presidential contest.
“I do think the field has been blown open,” he said, “and there isn’t an heir apparent.”
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