这是第7次连续“变革选举”
2026-11-11T22:57:44.382Z
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民主党正在庆祝这场“浪潮选举”,他们将同时掌控众议院和参议院的参众两院。
不过民众也需要警惕:美国的权力钟摆摆动频率正变得越来越高。
在1900年至2000年的100年间,华盛顿的控制权——无论是众议院、参议院还是白宫——更迭频率相对较低,从未出现过连续两次以上的选举就发生控制权转移的情况。
而2000年以来的25年间,除了两次选举例外,美国历次选举中,白宫所在政党或国会至少一院的控制权都发生了更迭。
这是一段前所未有的政治动荡期,近年来选民几乎每次投票时,都会倾向于支持某种形式的变革——要么选出来自新政党的总统,要么为众议院或参议院换上新的多数党。
选民越来越不满的是,无论行政或立法分支由谁掌权,国家都在朝着错误的方向发展。
两党都对一个“被操纵”的系统感到不满,这种不满跨越了政治立场的分野,且根源在于收入不平等。许多美国人感觉被抛弃了,尽管每个选举周期都会做出承诺,但两党都未能找到解决方案。
在过去七次选举中,华盛顿的权力杠杆至少有一次在共和党和民主党之间完成了更迭——这是内战以来连续权力更迭次数最多的一次。
在过去七次总统选举中,有五次选民选择了另一政党的候选人担任总统。同期,选民先后六次选出新的参议院多数党,五次选出新的众议院多数党。
本世纪以来,只有两次选举出现了众议院、参议院和白宫都由同一政党掌控的情况,那也是仅有的两次成功的总统连任竞选:分别是2004年的乔治·W·布什和2012年的巴拉克·奥巴马。这也是本世纪以来同一政党唯一两次守住白宫控制权的情况。
如今的政客已经习惯了权力的频繁更迭。
上四位总统全部是在华盛顿由一党独掌控制权的情况下就职的,他们都迅速利用了这种局面。巴拉克·奥巴马、唐纳德·特朗普、乔·拜登以及第二任期的特朗普,都曾利用预算协调程序绕过参议院的 filibuster(阻挠议事规则),在没有另一党支持的情况下推动通过某些重大议程。
对奥巴马来说,是《平价医疗法案》;对特朗普来说,第一任期是减税政策,第二任期是大幅减税和缩减社会安全网开支的法案;对拜登来说,是《通胀削减法案》,该法案与削减通胀的关联远不如与清洁能源和气候变化的关联紧密。
乔治·W·布什总统在就任头两年后,顶住了政治风向的压力,成功为共和党在众议院赢得席位,但这很大程度上得益于他在“9·11”恐怖袭击后的高支持率。
布什连任四年后,民众因对战争的不满,最终让共和党失去了众议院。
比尔·克林顿在首次中期选举——1994年的“共和党革命”——中失去了众议院控制权,这是自1950年代以来共和党首次掌控众议院。此后,共和党又在这段时期内两次失去并重新夺回众议院控制权。
克林顿在1998年中期选举中赢得了更多席位,当时民众反对共和党弹劾他的行动。
2026年这次蓝色浪潮的不同之处在于,民主党将在众议院占据较大多数席位。民主党可能将拿下260个或更多席位,有望实现自1990年代初以来的最大多数席位——那是二战后数十年民主党长期掌控国会多数席位时代的尾声。
布鲁金斯学会治理研究高级研究员莎拉·宾德表示,就“变革选举”的定义而言,如今的情况最接近19世纪末的状态。
“当时同样处于高度党派化和意识形态分歧的时期,”她在2025年曾这样说。
事实上,2026年的中期选举可能最接近1894年的情况,时任总统是格罗弗·克利夫兰,他是除特朗普之外唯一一位非连续两届任期的总统,正值他第二个任期。
那次中期选举中,民主党失去了100多个席位,当时正处于经济不确定性和铁路投机时期,这场中期选举帮助推动了重大政治重组。今年将让民主党重返自1990年代初以来众议院从未见过的多数席位。
如今也并非不可能出现更大规模的政治重组,因为民主党正面临内部压力:民主社会主义者推动左翼路线,而温和派在红州获胜后成为多数。对共和党来说,特朗普的“让美国再次伟大”(MAGA)联盟目前似乎已彻底瓦解。
This is the 7th consecutive change election
2026-11-11T22:57:44.382Z
A version of this story appeared first appeared in CNN’s What Matters newsletter. To get it in your inbox, sign up for free here.
Democrats are celebrating a wave election in which they were handed control of both the House and the Senate.
But buyer beware: The pendulum of power is swinging more and more frequently in the United States.
In the 100 years between 1900 and 2000, control of the House, Senate or White House changed hands in Washington with relative infrequency, and never in more than two elections in a row.
In the 25 years since 2000, the party controlling the White House and/or at least one chamber of Congress changed in all but two US elections.
It is an unprecedented period of political turnover in which voters have pulled the lever for some kind of change — either picking a president from a new party or flipping the majority in the House or Senate — nearly every time they’re given the chance in recent years.
Voters increasingly complain the country is headed in the wrong direction no matter who is in charge of the executive or the legislative branch.
There is bipartisan frustration at a system that feels “rigged,” a perception that cuts across political lines and is driven by income inequality. Many Americans feel left behind and neither party has found the answer, despite promises made every election season.
At least one lever of power has flipped between Republicans and Democrats in Washington in each of the last seven elections — the most consecutive power changes going back to before the Civil War.
In five of the last seven presidential elections, voters opted for a president from the other party. In the same time period, voters elected a new Senate majority six times and picked a new House majority five times.
The only elections this century in which the House, Senate and White House all remained under control of the same party were the only two successful presidential reelection campaigns, for George W. Bush in 2004 and Barack Obama in 2012. Those are also the only times the same party held on to the White House this century.
Today’s politicians have come to expect frequent shifts in power.
The last four presidents have all assumed office with unified control of Washington and worked as quickly as possible to exploit it. Barack Obama, Donald Trump, Joe Biden and Trump again in his second term all utilized reconciliation to get around the roadblock of the filibuster in the Senate and pass some sort of sweeping agenda item without help from the other party.
For Obama, it was the Affordable Care Act. For Trump, it was tax cuts in his first term; in his second, it was a sweeping tax cut and agenda bill that pared back social safety net spending. For Biden, it was the Inflation Reduction Act, which had a lot more to do with clean energy and climate change than it did with reducing inflation.
President George W. Bush defied political gravity and picked up House seats after his first two years in office, but that had a lot to do with his popularity after the 9/11 terror attacks.
Bush lost the House four years later, after his reelection, when the public had turned on the wars.
Bill Clinton lost the House in his first midterm, the 1994 Republican revolution. It was the first time Republicans had gained control of the House since the 1950s. They’ve lost and regained the House twice in the years since.
Clinton picked up seats in the 1998 midterm, when the country turned against Republican efforts to impeach him.
One way the blue wave of 2026 is different is that Democrats will have a large majority in the House. With potentially 260 or more Democrats, they could end up with the largest majority since the early 1990s, the end of an era in which they routinely had large congressional majorities over the course of decades after World War II.
The closest corollary to today in terms of change elections is probably the late 19th century, according to Sarah Binder, a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution.
“It was similarly a period of high partisanship and ideological disagreement,” she said back in 2025.
In fact, the 2026 midterm may be compared the most to 1894, during the second term of Grover Cleveland — the only president besides Trump to serve nonconsecutive terms in the White House.
That midterm, when Democrats lost more than 100 seats, came during a period of economic uncertainty and railroad speculation, and the midterm helped usher in a major political realignment. This year will return Democrats to the kind of majority that has not been seen in the House since the early 1990s.
A larger realignment also does not seem implausible today as Democrats struggle to reconcile democratic socialists pulling them to the left with majority making moderates who won in red states. For Republicans, Trump’s MAGA coalition feels completely broken at the moment.
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