特朗普借恐惧政治发力,共和党中期选举前景黯淡


2026-10-14T04:01:44.780Z / 美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)

局势正变得愈发丑陋。

共和党中期选举前景越是黯淡,顶级共和党人的言论就越是极端,他们将民主党候选人贴上怪异、具有威胁性、与美国身份和形象背道而驰的标签。

唐纳德·特朗普总统嘲弄密歇根州民主党联邦参议院候选人阿卜杜勒·埃尔赛义德的名字,并诽谤他是“圣战分子”。

副总统JD·万斯周二发表了一则暗含詹姆斯·塔拉里科是同性恋的玩笑。特朗普则持续宣称这位民主党参议院候选人是纯素食主义者,与以食肉文化著称的孤星州(得克萨斯州)格格不入。如今塔拉里科经常被拍到手持一盘肉类食物的照片。

特朗普总统还重新启用了极具攻击性的种族贬损言论,暗示海地人和非洲人正在入侵俄亥俄州等关键选举州。

周一联邦官员搜查了出生于索马里的明尼苏达州众议员伊尔汉·奥马尔的住宅后,特朗普质疑这位归化公民“来自地球上最糟糕的国家之一”是否享有宪法权利,进一步凸显了他利用行政权力打击政治对手的担忧。

特朗普的言论并不令人意外,毕竟他在总统竞选期间就曾有过过激言论,但如今在总统讲台后发表如此直白的种族言论仍令人震惊。

部分侮辱性言论是带着笑容说出的,这或许能为特朗普和万斯提供少许政治掩护,让他们有机会辩称,在这个极化时代,这不过是竞选活动中激烈交锋的一部分。但这丝毫不能让诋毁他人种族、信仰、个人外貌和举止的行为变得可以接受,也不能为这种智力低下的政治手段开脱。

多年来,特朗普一直被指控存在偏见——尤其是在针对前总统巴拉克·奥巴马出生地的煽动性社交媒体帖子、虚假种族阴谋论方面。这位总统为争取选民支持,经常暗示少数族裔政治对手与美国传统文化和价值观格格不入。他的反移民言论至少部分是为了讨好其最保守的基础选民,而共和党需要这些选民大规模投票,才能避免中期选举惨败。

除了特朗普一贯擅长此类阴暗政治手段之外,此次竞选转向不祥方向最明显的解释是,共和党拿不出更好的施政纲领可供宣扬。CNN最新的民调汇总显示,特朗普的支持率仅为33%,对于一名在中期选举前三周的在任总统来说,这是一个令人望而生畏的数字。民调显示,大多数美国人将食品、住房、汽油和柴油价格高企导致的生活困境归咎于总统的决策。万斯和特朗普争相前往共和党原本认为无需在竞选最后阶段发力的红州,这本身就说明了问题。

正如万斯周二在得克萨斯州所做的那样,将塔拉里科贴上“怪胎”的标签,似乎是为了转移人们对处境艰难、丑闻缠身的共和党参议院候选人——特朗普亲自举荐的州总检察长肯·帕克斯顿——的关注。

政党领导人试图击败那些在政策议题上无法战胜的对手,这是竞选的基本策略。特朗普将穆斯林候选人作为攻击目标,与他给民主党贴上“社会主义者”和“共产主义者”标签的套路如出一辙。如果他能诋毁埃尔赛伊尔和塔拉里科,就能为共和党帮上大忙。这两位候选人都处于11月3日即将拉开帷幕的激烈选战中。

特朗普对前底特律卫生部门负责人埃尔赛义德发起了猛烈的负面攻击。“我叫他穆罕默德,”特朗普周六在田纳西州说道,“有人说‘那不是他的名字’,但我是总统,我想怎么叫就怎么叫。”周一晚间在俄亥俄州,他又补充道:“他是个圣战分子。”

当然,共和党人有权突出并抨击埃尔赛义德的政治记录。他们希望将人们的注意力引向他在10月7日袭击后不久宣称以色列在加沙实施种族灭绝的言论。许多美国犹太人——包括民主党选民——都对这个词表示反感,尽管他们也在为2023年恐怖袭击后巴以冲突中丧生的数万名巴勒斯坦人哀悼。2023年的恐怖袭击造成了1200多人死亡,其中大多数是以色列人。

但将埃尔赛义德称为“圣战分子”——即拒绝民主的激进恐怖分子,暗示他与基地组织或ISIS等组织有勾结——则越过了红线。这显然是为了恐吓选民,让他们认为民主党候选人是恐怖分子和安全威胁。而称埃尔赛义德为“穆罕默德”则贬低了他本人,也侮辱了所有穆斯林的人性和个体尊严。

更广泛地说,这位总统似乎将这位出生于密歇根州的民主党人以及所有与他信仰相同的人描绘成非美国人,不配享有每个公民都拥有的政治权利。他的策略让人想起他多年来一直挂在嘴边的奥巴马的中间名“侯赛因”。

埃尔赛义德回应了特朗普故意歪曲他名字的行为,称总统的关注点侮辱了选民的智商。“他知道我的名字是阿卜杜勒,他每天都这么说,”埃尔赛义德在X平台上写道,“但他不只是在攻击我。他是在攻击我们所有人。他对我们的评价如此之低。他以为可以利用我的名字和信仰,转移人们对他的政策给我们在加油站、杂货店和诊所造成的痛苦的关注。”

特朗普针对奥马尔的言论有着类似的明显目的。两人多年来一直激烈交锋。他暗示这位明尼苏达州众议员正在将他所描述的索马里无政府状态引入明尼苏达州。“她就是个灾难。她来自一个没有法律、没有警察、没有军队的国家——那里的人只会互相残杀,”他周一在俄亥俄州说道,“他们来到美国,却告诉我们该如何治理国家。我们不会容忍这种情况。他们推高了税收、医疗成本、保险成本和育儿成本。”

20世纪90年代初,当东非国家索马里陷入暴力冲突时,明尼苏达州接纳了数万名索马里人。特朗普政府声称,该社区充斥着暴力罪犯,并且以日托中心为中心存在大规模欺诈行为。索马里领导人表示,暴力罪犯只是极少数,特朗普和共和党人毫无根据地诋毁他们。

美国司法部表示,正对正在寻求连任的奥马尔的住宅开展执法行动。目前尚无法独立核实针对她的任何证据或指控。奥马尔回应称,特朗普多年来一直在诽谤她,如今将她作为政治敌人作为攻击目标。

特朗普的助手多次否认他存在种族主义或发表种族主义言论,指出他会举办活动纪念黑人历史月等里程碑事件,并且他在2024年大选中获得了少数族裔选民更多的支持。今年2月,时任白宫新闻秘书卡罗琳·利夫特抨击“多年来那些激进的民主党人虚假指责这位总统是种族主义者”。

许多共和党选民也声称存在双重标准,指出民主党人经常用贬低性的言辞谈论保守派和特朗普的选民——包括那些将希拉里·克林顿“半篮子可鄙之人”的说法当作扭曲的荣誉徽章的人。一些资深民主党人公开指责特朗普是法西斯主义者。

但特朗普和万斯也在加剧一个推动新兴民粹主义共和党的趋势:对谁能被视为真正的美国人做出具体评判。

在2008年的竞选活动中,共和党副总统候选人莎拉·佩林辩称,“真正的美国”由小镇爱国者和辛勤工作的劳动者组成,他们生活在“这个伟大国家的亲美地区”——暗示内陆以外的人缺乏爱国情怀和对国家的自豪感。

与特朗普带来的恶毒言论相比,这些言论看起来似乎温和多了,而她后来的道歉如今也成了历史奇闻。

Trump turns to the politics of fear as GOP hopes darken

2026-10-14T04:01:44.780Z / CNN

It’s getting ugly out there.

The worse GOP midterm prospects look, the darker the rhetoric from top Republicans becomes as they single out Democratic candidates as weird, threatening and antithetical to what it means to be and look like an American.

President Donald Trump is mocking the name of Michigan Democratic Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed and slandering him as a “jihadist.”

Vice President JD Vance on Tuesday made a joke that implied James Talarico is gay. Trump keeps claiming the Democratic Senate nominee is a vegan who is incompatible with the carnivorous Lone Star State. Talarico is now often seen pictured with a plate of meat.

The president has also revived his searing racially derogatory rhetoric suggesting that Haitians and Africans are invading key election states like Ohio.

And after federal officials searched the home of Somali-born Minnesota Rep. Ilhan Omar on Monday, he underscored concerns he’s using executive power to target a political foe by questioning whether she had constitutional rights as a naturalized citizen “from one of the worst countries anywhere on the planet.”

Trump’s rhetoric is hardly a surprise, given the linguistic excesses of his presidential campaigns, yet it’s still jarring to see such overt racial language delivered from behind a presidential podium.

Some insults are delivered with a smile, which may offer Trump and Vance a modicum of political cover and the chance to argue it’s all part of the rough-and-tumble of the campaign trail in a polarized age. But that hardly makes maligning someone’s race, faith, personal appearance and manner more acceptable, nor does it absolve an intellectually low form of politics.

Trump has been accused of prejudice for years — especially over inflammatory social media posts and fake and racist conspiracies he pushed over former president Barack Obama’s birthplace. The president, in seeking to appeal to voters, has often implied some minority political rivals are incompatible with traditional American culture and values. His anti-immigrant rhetoric seems at least partially aimed at his most conservative base voters who the GOP needs to turn out in huge numbers to stave off a midterm election disaster.

The most obvious explanation for this ominous turn in the campaign, beyond Trump’s propensity for such dark arts, is that the Republicans lack a better story to tell. Trump’s approval rating is at 33% in the latest CNN poll of polls — a daunting number for an incumbent president three weeks from a midterm election. Polls show majorities of Americans blame the president’s decisions for worsening their struggle to cope with the high costs of food, housing, gasoline and diesel. And the rush by Vance and Trump to red states where Republicans never thought they’d be fighting in the campaign’s final stretch tells its own story.

Branding Talarico as a “freak,” as Vance did in Texas on Tuesday, seems an attempt to distract from the struggling and scandal-plagued GOP Senate candidate — Attorney General Ken Paxton, who was Trump’s personal pick for the seat.

It’s politics 101 for party leaders to seek to disqualify rivals whom they can’t beat on the issues. Trump’s singling out of Muslim candidates parallels his conceit that Democrats are “socialists” and “communists.” And if he can malign El-Sayed and Talarico, he’ll be doing his party a service. The pair are locked in races expected to go down to the wire on November 3.

Trump is going harshly negative on El-Sayed, the former executive director of the Detroit Health Department. “I call him Mohammed,” Trump said in Tennessee on Saturday. “Somebody said, ‘His name isn’t Mohammed’ I’m the president, I can call him whatever the hell I want.” On Monday night in Ohio, he added: “He’s a jihadist.”

It is of course legitimate for Republicans to highlight and attack El-Sayed’s record. They want to draw attention to his claim that Israel was committing genocide in Gaza shortly after the October 7 attacks. Many American Jews — Democratic voters among them — balk at the term, even while mourning the tens of thousands of Palestinians killed in the Israel-Hamas war following the terror attacks that killed more than 1,200 people, mostly Israelis, in 2023.

But calling El-Sayed a “jihadist” — namely a radicalized terrorist who rejects democracy, suggesting he’s aligned with groups like Al-Qaeda or ISIS — crosses a rubicon. It’s obviously intended to frighten voters into thinking that the Democratic candidate is a terrorist and security threat. And calling El-Sayed “Mohammed” demeans him and insults the humanity and individuality of all Muslims.

More broadly, the president seems to be portraying the Michigan-born Democrat and anyone who shares his faith as un-American and unworthy of the political rights of every citizen. His tactics recall his still-incessant use of Obama’s middle name, Hussein.

El-Sayed responded to Trump’s deliberate mangling of his name by arguing the president’s focus insults the intelligence of voters. “He knows my name is Abdul. He says it everyday,” El-Sayed wrote on X. “But he’s not just attacking me. He’s attacking all of us. He thinks so low of us. He thinks he can use my name and my faith to distract us from the suffering his policies are inflicting on us at the pump, at the grocery store, and at the doctor’s office.”

The president’s rhetoric toward Omar, with whom he’s furiously sparred for years, has similar apparent goals. He implies that the Minnesota representative is importing what he depicts as the anarchy of Somalia to Minnesota. “She’s a disaster. She comes in from a country without laws, without police, without military, without — all they do is shoot each other,” he said in Ohio on Monday. “They come into the United States of America and they tell us how to run our country. We’re not going to stand for it. They drive up taxes. They drive up healthcare costs, insurance costs, childcare costs.”

Minnesota welcomed tens of thousands of Somalis in the early 1990s when their East African country collapsed into violence. The administration claims the community is laced with violent criminals and widespread fraud centered in day care centers. Somali leaders say violent criminals are a tiny minority, and that Trump and Republicans are maligning them without justification.

The Department of Justice said it carried out an enforcement operation at the home of Omar, who is running for reelection. It is not yet possible to independently verify any evidence or accusations against her. Omar responded that Trump had smeared her for years and was now targeting her as a political enemy.

Trump’s aides repeatedly deny that he is racist or guilty of racist rhetoric, pointing out that he holds events to mark milestones like Black History Month and that he increased his support among minority voters in the 2024 election. In February, then-White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt slammed “radical Democrats throughout the years who have accused this president falsely of being a racist.”

Many Republican voters also claim double standards, pointing out that Democrats often speak in demeaning terms about conservatives and Trump’s voters more generally — including those who adopted Hillary Clinton’s phrase that half of them were in a “basket of deplorables” as a perverse badge of honor. Some senior Democrats have openly charged that Trump is a fascist.

But Trump and Vance are also intensifying a trend that animates the newly populist Republican Party: a tendency to make specific judgments about who can be considered an authentic American.

In the 2008 campaign, GOP vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin argued that “real America” was defined by small-town patriots and hard workers who lived in “pro-America areas of this great nation” — implying that those outside the heartland lacked legitimacy and pride in the country.

Those remarks seem tame by comparison to the vitriol that Trump ushered in, and her subsequent apology now looks like a historical curiosity.

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