2026-10-07T15:54:54.044Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/07/politics/trump-republicans-distancing-midterms
显而易见，在中期选举前，面临激烈选战的共和党人并不特别急于与唐纳德·特朗普总统同台竞选。
上个月的特朗普中期选举集会上，到场的共和党人寥寥无几。自那以来，他的行程安排颇为蹊跷，大多集中在阿拉巴马州、俄克拉荷马州和纽约州等非关键摇摆州，仅在少数真正的摇摆选区开展活动。即便在得克萨斯州，州长格雷格·阿博特也拒绝出席特朗普即将举行的集会（当然，他给出的理由是日程冲突）。
特朗普似乎越来越对这一局面感到敏感——这也合乎情理，因为他坚信仅凭一己之力就能推动共和党在不到四周的时间内赢得选举，尽管他的支持率处于低位。
他周二在集会上大发牢骚，至少五次提及此事。
“顺便说一句，我四处参加集会。共和党民众的支持率正一路飙升，”他在巴尔的摩一场非竞选活动中说道，“今天有人问：‘这是为什么呢？’嗯，我站了出来——我不得不这么做。我必须身体力行。”
（没有任何证据表明特朗普的集会确实起到了帮助作用，这一点我们稍后再谈。）
他在社交媒体上发帖称，自己的“集会 crowds 和热情令人难以置信！”他补充道：我们正在各地翻转选区……一切都在顺利进行！
在另一篇帖子中，他简单写道：我的集会再次拯救了共和党！！！
在与记者的随行采访中，即便没有被问及相关话题，他也会主动提起此事，曾声称“集会已经扭转了局面”。当被问及得克萨斯州联邦参议院候选人肯·帕克斯顿泄露的音频中称华盛顿特区控制了他的竞选活动时，特朗普回应称，自几天前他开始举办集会以来，帕克斯顿“表现好多了”。
周一，当一名记者问及他是否会在密歇根州开展竞选活动时，特朗普给出了肯定答复。当被问及是否会前往缅因州时，他暗示自己也会去那里。
“缅因州的情况我不太确定，”特朗普说，“我想我们也会去缅因州。”
但共和党联邦参议员苏珊·柯林斯此前已多次表示——包括在周二晚间的辩论中——她不认为特朗普会到访缅因州。“那不太可能发生，”柯林斯在6月份说道。
爱荷华州也存在类似的棘手问题，该州三名联邦众议院共和党议员近期在伊朗战争问题上与特朗普存在一定分歧。联邦参议院候选人、众议员阿什利·辛普森似乎也希望与特朗普保持一定距离。
当这些议员上周出席白宫活动时，特朗普似乎让他们陷入了尴尬境地，提及了与他共同参与更多竞选活动的计划。
“我会前往爱荷华州，”特朗普说，还补充道：“我可以说，我们将举办一场精彩的集会，届时我们都会到场。我们必须让所有人都当选。”
辛普森回应道：“先生，我们会给您留一块上好的爱荷华州猪排。”
早在9月初，当许多参加重磅选战的共和党人纷纷缺席以特朗普为核心的中期选举集会时，特朗普曾声称，他们不来并非因为他的支持率处于历史低位。
“所有人都想来，”特朗普坚称，还补充道：“有些人不来的原因是，我们连容纳500名政客的场地都没有。”
他当时还表示，自己将走遍全美，为所有参与竞争激烈选战的共和党人助选。
“我会前往那35个选区中的每一个，看看我们能否让所有人都当选，”他在9月2日说道。一周后，他在集会上重复了同样的说法：“我会去所有35个选区，有些地方我会去两次。”
但这一承诺似乎并未兑现——至少目前尚未实现。距离选举仅剩不到四周的时间，特朗普仅前往了少数几个真正的摇摆地区。
尽管特朗普声称自己是共和党竞选的宝贵资产，但他的“特朗普嘉年华”中期选举集会似乎反而对共和党不利。衡量中期选举的关键指标——通用选票支持率，几乎就在集会举行的同一时间，转向了有利于民主党人的方向。
当然，特朗普绝不能容忍这样一种看法：共和党人不愿与他同台竞选，而他本身就是选举负担。
他通过喧闹的大型集会动员选民的能力，一直是其政治品牌的核心内容，但如今他正面临这样一个现实：许多共和党人似乎认为这类集会弊大于利。
不愿与他同台竞选的共和党人越来越多，这也让人质疑他对共和党的掌控力——这是他十年来一直苦心经营的成果，也是他剩余政治资本的核心所在。如果他真的失去了选民基础，也无法再迫使共和党人按他的意愿行事，那他将所剩无几。
在选举前仅剩的四周时间里，有多少共和党人认为特朗普是累赘和跛脚鸭总统，可能会变得一目了然。
因此，他正在过度补救——而且补救得很糟糕。
Trump seems pretty sore over Republicans not wanting to campaign with him
2026-10-07T15:54:54.044Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/10/07/politics/trump-republicans-distancing-midterms
It has become abundantly clear that Republicans in tough races aren’t especially eager to campaign with President Donald Trump ahead of the midterm election.
Few of them showed up to Trump’s midterm convention last month. His travel schedule since then has rather curiously featured lower-tier states like Alabama, Oklahoma and New York and only a handful of real battleground races. And even in Texas, Gov. Greg Abbott is skipping Trump’s upcoming rally (citing scheduling conflicts, of course).
Trump increasingly appears rather sensitive about this dynamic — which makes sense, given he’s latched onto the theory that he alone can push his party to victory in less than four weeks, despite his low approval numbers.
He went on a tear about his rallies on Tuesday, bringing it up at least five separate times.
“By the way, I’m going around doing rallies. The Republican Party is starting to go right through the roof,” he said at a non-campaign event in Baltimore. “Somebody said today, ‘I wonder why?’ Well, I started — I had to get out. I had to do it.”
(There is no evidence Trump’s rallies are actually helping, which we’ll get to.)
He posted on social media that his “Rally crowds and enthusiasm are unbelievable!” He added: We are flipping races all over the place. … It’s all happening!
In a separate post, he said simply: MY RALLIES ARE SAVING THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, AGAIN!!!
In gaggles with reporters, he returned to the topic even when he wasn’t asked about it, claiming at one point that “the rallies have changed things around.” When asked about leaked audio of Texas Senate candidate Ken Paxton saying DC was controlling his campaign, Trump responded that Paxton was “doing much better” since Trump started doing rallies a few days ago.
And when a reporter asked Monday about campaigning in Michigan, Trump said he would. When asked about campaigning in Maine, he suggested he would go there, too.
“I don’t know about Maine,” Trump said. “I think we’re going to Maine, too.”
But GOP Sen. Susan Collins has said repeatedly — including at a debate Tuesday night — that she didn’t expect Trump to come to Maine. “That’s just not going to happen,” Collins said in June.
This is also an uneasy question in Iowa, where three House Republicans recently broke from Trump somewhat on the Iran war. And Senate candidate Rep. Ashley Hinson seems to want some distance from Trump.
When those lawmakers were at a White House event last week, Trump seemed to put them on the spot, bringing up plans for more campaign events with him.
“I’m going to come to Iowa,” Trump said, adding: “I will say that we’re going to do a great rally, and we’ll all be there together. We have to get you all elected.”
Hinson responded: “We’ll save you a good Iowa pork chop, sir.”
And back in early September, when it became clear many Republicans in marquee races were skipping the president’s Trump-centric midterm convention, the president claimed it was for reasons beside his historically low poll numbers.
“Everybody wants to come,” Trump maintained, adding: “The reason that some people are not coming is because we don’t have room for 500 politicians.”
He also said back then that he would be all over the country, campaigning for every Republican in the most competitive races.
“I’m going to go to every one of those 35 places, and we’re going to see if we can get everyone elected,” he said September 2. He repeated the same claim at the convention a week later: “I’m gonna go to every one of them, about 35. In a couple of cases, I’ll go twice.”
That doesn’t appear to be happening anymore — at least not yet. With less than four weeks to go, Trump has been to only a handful of true battleground areas.
And despite Trump’s claim that he’s such an asset, it appears that his “Trump-a-palooza” midterm convention backfired on Republicans. Polls show the generic ballot, a key measure of the midterm, took a turn in Democrats’ favor at almost that precise moment.
Of course, Trump simply can’t allow for this perception that Republicans don’t want to campaign with him and that he’s an electoral burden.
His ability to rally the base at raucous, large-scale events has been a central part of his political brand, yet he’s confronting a reality where many Republicans seem to view them as net-negatives.
The lack of Republicans pining to campaign with him also calls into question his domination of his party, which he has been cultivating for a decade and is central to his hold on what political capital he has left. If he truly lost the base and his ability to make Republicans do what he wants, he wouldn’t have much left.
In the four-week span left before the election, it could become abundantly clear just how many Republicans think Trump is an albatross and a lame duck.
So he’s over-compensating for that — badly.
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