2026-09-29T04:00:29.427Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/09/29/politics/2026-midterm-election-republicans
共和党显然已经进入了2026年中期选举的“恐慌!”阶段。
近日多家新闻媒体的报道描绘出这样一幅场景:共和党人突然意识到诸多不祥之兆,认定自己即将遭遇惨败。长期以来对保住众议院席位感到焦虑的竞选团队工作人员,如今甚至开始为参议院席位忧心忡忡。
有时这种恐慌并无必要。看看2022年的选举就知道了,当时许多民主党人担心会出现“红色浪潮”,结果却打破历史,基本打成平手。
那么共和党人到底应该有多恐慌?目前来看,他们确实有充分理由感到担忧,但仍有不少因素对他们有利。
我在周五曾梳理过相关情况,当时我分析了一项新的CNN民调中,诸多氛围比共和党在21世纪最糟糕的两次中期选举——2006年和2018年——选举前还要糟糕。
但距离选举还有一个多月时间,一些指标并不支持民主党掀起巨大红色浪潮的说法。
我们来逐一梳理。
特朗普的支持率看起来比现代史上任何一位在中期选举前的总统都要低,选民们似乎比2006年反对乔治·W·布什时更迫切地想要投票反对他。伊朗战争和通货膨胀似乎都是巨大的不利因素,掩盖了其他议题的存在感。
民主党在所谓的“通用选票”上的优势虽不如2006年那般悬殊,但正朝着两位数的方向发展,从历史经验来看,这意味着民主党将取得显著大胜。
这也道出了共和党当前面临的特别棘手的问题:趋势。一段时间以来,共和党处境一直不佳,但现在情况似乎还在恶化,而且几乎没有理由相信这种情况会改变。
其一,我们似乎已经过了伊朗战争能够得到解决、从而让油价大幅下跌并让选民及时感受到变化的时间节点。即便有迹象显示美国可以与伊朗达成协议,这也需要时间来敲定(还记得那份谅解备忘录花了多久才破裂吗?)。即便特朗普不经谈判就结束战争,也几乎没有迹象表明伊朗会放弃对霍尔木兹海峡的控制——毕竟这给了德黑兰巨大的谈判筹码。
更重要的是,特朗普似乎要么不感兴趣,要么无力改变策略以帮助共和党。他一直专注于白宫宴会厅、与加拿大的贸易战、肯尼迪中心以及各种其他挑衅行为,而早在很久之前人们就已经清楚,这些绝非选民想要看到的,选民认为他忽视了他们真正关心的经济问题。
目前来看,这一切似乎已成定局。
最后,剩余的未决选民群体对民主党来说相当有争取空间。《纽约时报》与锡耶纳学院联合开展的一项民调显示,未表态的潜在选民中,55%至19%的人不认可特朗普,其中40%的人强烈反对他。CNN的民调也显示,尚未在两党之间做出选择的选民更有可能是年轻人和少数族裔选民——这些群体通常倾向于民主党。
不过,至少有一个因素对共和党有利,那就是竞选资金投入。
AdImpact公司周一公布的数据显示,目前共和党在几乎所有主要参议院竞选活动中的投入都更多,并且在九个竞争最激烈的参议院席位竞选中都预留了更多的电视广告时段。共和党在资金上的优势在9月下旬真正显现出来。
如果有人想为共和党提出乐观的理由,那就是这笔资金可以帮助降低民主党在一些竞争激烈的红色州参选候选人的支持率——这些候选人可能在意识形态上与选民不符,比如得克萨斯州的詹姆斯·塔拉里科。
其中一些候选人的形象口碑好得出奇,如果广告铺天盖地袭来,他们可能难以维持这一优势。
此外,共和党还拥有一些固有的显著优势,可以帮助抵御蓝色浪潮:当前的众议院和参议院选区划分。
在参议院,这些红色州是民主党争取多数席位的关键。民主党至少需要拿下2024年特朗普以两位数优势获胜的州中的两个。即便在2018年——共和党表现特别糟糕的中期选举年之一——共和党实际上还因为选区划分对他们有利而新增了两个参议院席位。
在众议院,共和党在中期改划选区的策略已经让绝大多数选区偏向共和党——据弗吉尼亚大学政治中心的数据,中位众议院选区比全国整体环境要保守约3.5个百分点。
考虑到所有这些因素,再加上局势可能小幅向共和党倾斜、或者民调存在小幅误差的可能性,民主党获胜的声势可能至少会比目前专家们普遍预测的要小一些。
看看这些参议院竞选情况就知道了。民主党在缅因州、密歇根州和新罕布什尔州普遍领先。但《纽约时报》-锡耶纳学院的民调显示,共和党籍缅因州参议员苏珊·柯林斯以3个百分点领先,共和党在新罕布什尔州的支持率差距也在5个百分点以内;密歇根州民主党候选人阿卜杜勒·埃尔赛义德以较低到中等个位数的优势领先,CNN的民调也印证了这一点。
越来越多的声音认为,共和党可能会在众议院丢失特朗普赢得的双位数支持率选区,也可能在参议院丢失多个特朗普以双位数优势获胜的州。但最新证据显示,他们仍在参议院的一些摇摆州甚至蓝色州展开竞争。
只要其中任何一个州最终变红,都会给民主党争取多数席位的数学题带来巨大变数。
目前来看,密切关注这三个州的民调变化十分重要。如果它们的选情都开始对共和党不利,那或许真的到了该恐慌的时候了。
Republicans are panicking about 2026. Should they be?
2026-09-29T04:00:29.427Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/09/29/politics/2026-midterm-election-republicans
The GOP has apparently reached the PANIC! stage of the 2026 midterm election.
Stories in a number of news outlets in recent days have painted a picture of Republicans suddenly reckoning with many ill omens and convincing themselves that doom lies ahead. Campaign operatives who have long been nervous about their chances of keeping the House are now even wringing their hands about the Senate.
Sometimes such panic is misplaced. Look no further than the 2022 election, when many Democrats feared a “red wave” — right before they beat history and basically fought the election to a draw.
So how panicked should Republicans be? A fair amount is surely warranted at this point, but they still have a number of factors tracking in their favor.
I ran through some of this on Friday, when I looked at how many of the atmospherics in a new CNN poll were worse than they were ahead of the GOP’s worst midterms of the 21st century, in 2006 and 2018.
But there’s still more than a month to go, and some indicators aren’t yet cooperating with the idea of a huge Democratic wave.
Let’s review.
Trump’s approval numbers appear worse than any modern president heading into a midterm — with voters seemingly feeling more itchy to vote against him than they did against George W. Bush in 2006. And both the Iran war and inflation appear to be massive liabilities that are blocking out other issues.
Democrats’ advantage on the so-called generic ballot isn’t as lopsided as it was in 2006, but it’s trending toward double digits, which historically suggests we’re headed for a significant rout.
And that gets at what’s particularly troublesome for Republicans right now: the trend. Things haven’t looked good for the GOP for a while, but they appear to be getting worse. And there’s little reason to believe that will change.
For one, we now appear past the point where we could see a resolution to the Iran war that would send gas prices tumbling in time to significantly register with voters. Even if there were signs that the US could cut a deal with Iran, it would take time to sort out (remember how the memorandum of understanding took a while to fall apart?). And even if Trump ended the war without a deal, there’s little indication that Iran would relinquish control over the Strait of Hormuz; it’s given Tehran tremendous leverage, after all.
What’s more, Trump appears either uninterested in or incapable of changing his tactics in ways that could help the GOP. He’s continued focusing on the White House ballroom, a trade war with Canada, the Kennedy Center and various other provocations long after it became clear these things are decidedly not what voters want — and that they view him as neglecting what they really care about: the economy.
It’s all apparently baked in at this point.
And finally, the remaining undecided voters appear quite gettable for Democrats. A New York Times-Siena College poll recently showed undecided likely voters disapproved of Trump 55%-19%, with 4 in 10 strongly disapproving. CNN polling also suggests voters who haven’t chosen between Democrats and Republicans are more likely to be young people and voters of color — normally Democratic-leaning demographics.
There is, however, at least one factor that’s moving in the GOP’s direction, and that’s spending.
Data from AdImpact on Monday showed Republicans have spent more in nearly every major Senate race now, and they have reserved more airtime in all nine of the most competitive races. The GOP’s financial advantage really took hold in the latter part of September.
If one wanted to make an optimistic case for Republicans, it’s that this could help drive down support for Democrats running in some of these competitive red states who might not match up ideologically with the electorate — people like James Talarico in Texas.
And some of those candidates have had surprisingly good image numbers that could be difficult to maintain if they’re blitzed on the airwaves.
Plus, Republicans simply benefit from significant built-in advantages that could help repel a blue wave: the current House and Senate maps.
In the Senate, those red states are Democrats’ majority-makers. They need at least two states Trump won by double digits in 2024. Even in 2018, one of those particularly bad GOP midterm years, Republicans actually gained two Senate seats because the map was tilted in their favor.
In the House, the GOP’s mid-decade redistricting gambit has tilted a clear majority of the districts toward Republicans — so much so that the median House district is about 3.5 points redder than the country as a whole, according to the University of Virginia’s Center for Politics.
Considering all of that — and throwing in the possibility of things shifting modestly back to the GOP and/or the polls being slightly off — it’s plausible that a Democratic win could at least be less resounding than pundits are largely projecting right now.
Just look at some of these Senate races. Democrats are generally leading in Maine, Michigan and New Hampshire. But Times-Sienna polling had GOP Maine Sen. Susan Collins up 3 and Republicans within 5 in New Hampshire, and Michigan Democrat Abdul El-Sayed has been ahead by the low-to-mid-single digits, including in a CNN poll.
There is increasing talk of Republicans losing double-digit Trump districts in the House and possibly multiple double-digit Trump states in the Senate. But the latest evidence is that they’re still competing for some swing and even blue states in the Senate.
And any one of those states, if it went red, would throw a huge wrench in Democrats’ majority math.
For now, it’s worth keeping a close eye on the polling in those three states. If they all start to get away from Republicans, then it might really be time to panic.
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