2026-09-25T22:00:45.410Z / 美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)
第三次尝试仍以失败告终。
美国最高法院周五驳回了一项利用密苏里州国会选区地图进行11月中期选举的提议,该地图本可让共和党人多拿下一个众议院席位。这是最高法院三周内第三次驳回针对该拟议选区的反对声音。
这份未具名法官签署的裁决是当天第二项涉及中期选举的判决,看似即将平息一场自9月以来在州法院和联邦法院间反复拉锯的激烈法律风波。该判决对共和党和总统唐纳德·特朗普来说是一次失利,后者去年曾敦促密苏里州重新划分国会选区,这一非常规的中期重新划界行动旨在帮助共和党在明年继续掌控众议院。
此次裁决未出现反对意见。
最高法院在判决中写道:“使用2022年版选区地图的选票已经印刷并寄出。缺席投票、军人及海外选民投票均已启动。在当前这个选举已临近尾声的节点,强行改用2025年版地图只会引发选举混乱。”
尽管这起案件仅涉及一个众议院席位,但它引发了关于今年关键中期选举前后州法院与联邦法院互动关系的疑问,也再次凸显了下级法院与最高法院紧急程序 docket 中通常未附解释的裁决之间的紧张关系。
“我们受够了那些腐败政客试图绕过密苏里州宪法规定的程序,强行推行他们的选区地图,”密苏里州“人民而非政客”组织的执行主任理查德·冯·格莱恩说道。该组织曾对该选区地图提出质疑,并向最高法院提起紧急上诉。
最高法院首次明确表示,此时再修改选区地图为时已晚,这场争议已经结束,将沿用此前的选区地图。
“地区法院和上诉法院不应下令或要求密苏里州在2026年密苏里州国会选举中使用2025年版地图,”最高法院在裁决中写道。
该判决多次援引被称为“珀塞尔原则”的司法准则。这一准则源自2006年最高法院的一项判决,旨在提醒各级联邦法院避免在选举临近的最后时刻修改投票规则。
“选举不仅即将到来,实际上已经开始了,”最高法院写道。
不过,最高法院在周五的另一项判决中为特朗普政府赢得了胜利:允许州选举官员使用一个备受争议的数据库来识别非公民选民。最高法院以三名自由派大法官持反对意见的结果,驳回了认为政府违法的主张,后者此前放宽了官员利用该数据系统核查选民公民身份的要求。
双方似乎都认可,这场法律拉锯战已经给密苏里州选民造成了困惑,但在责任归属问题上分歧严重。而县选举官员早在一周多前就曾向联邦上诉法院表示,当时再改用共和党支持的选区地图已经为时过晚,并警告联邦法院不要“给地方选举官员增添更多混乱”。
一个反对该州7比1共和党选区比例的组织于周二向最高法院提起紧急诉讼,此前联邦上诉法院实际上下令密苏里州使用该地图,原因是选民已在初选中为这些选区选定了候选人。这一判决与密苏里州最高法院的裁决相悖,后者下令密苏里州恢复使用2022年选举中使用的旧版地图,以便让选民通过公投决定最终采用哪一版地图。
保守派大法官布雷特·卡瓦诺驳回了密苏里州共和党人暂停该州法院判决的请求。
但就在卡瓦诺发布简短命令几分钟后,联邦地区法院介入并作出有利于共和党选区地图的裁决。该案件再次被上诉至美国最高法院,最高法院再次驳回了恢复共和党版地图的请求。
随后,保守派占优的美国第八巡回上诉法院重新审理此案,并得出结论称“宪法不允许密苏里州在2026年11月的大选中使用与2026年8月初选中不同的国会选区地图”。该上诉法院的判决实际上要求密苏里州再次推进7比1比例的共和党版地图。
密苏里州的新地图将矛头对准了民主党众议员伊曼纽尔·克利弗所代表的第五国会选区,该选区原本以堪萨斯城为核心,新地图将其拆分并延伸至该州农村和倾向共和党的地区。根据这份新地图,密苏里州国会代表团将变成7个倾向保守的席位和1个倾向民主党的席位,与当前的6比2比例形成变化。
这场关于选区地图的反复拉锯让人联想到去年的一场争议,当时大法官尼尔·戈萨奇曾批评下级法院在最高法院已就紧急程序 docket 作出裁决后,仍多次在类似案件中反对特朗普政府。在那起案件中,最高法院允许特朗普政府叫停美国国立卫生研究院颁发的近8亿美元研究拨款。而在此几周前,最高法院也曾允许该政府阻断向各州拨付的数百万美元用于解决教师短缺问题的拨款。
“下级法院法官有时可能会不同意本院的裁决,但他们绝不能公然违抗,”戈萨奇在与卡瓦诺联名的意见书中写道。
本文已补充更多细节更新。
Supreme Court rejects GOP’s third effort to capture Democratic House seat in Missouri
2026-09-25T22:00:45.410Z / CNN
The third time was not the charm.
The Supreme Court on Friday rejected an effort to use a congressional map in Missouri for the November midterm elections that would have given Republicans an opportunity to pick up an extra House of Representatives seat, siding with opponents of the proposed districts for the third time in as many weeks.
The court’s unsigned decision, the second of the day to deal with the midterms, seemed likely to put to rest a whirlwind legal saga that has bounced through state and federal courts for much of September. The order was a loss for Republicans and President Donald Trump, who had urged Missouri to redraw its congressional maps last year as part of unusual mid-decade redistricting designed to retain GOP control of the House next year.
There were no noted dissents.
“Ballots using the 2022 map have been printed and mailed. Absentee voting has already begun, as has military and overseas voting,” the court wrote. “At this late date, ordering reversion to the 2025 map midst of an ongoing election would usher in electoral chaos.”
While the case affected only a single seat, it raised questions about the interplay between state and federal courts heading into this year’s pivotal midterms, and once again underscored a tension between lower courts and often unexplained Supreme Court orders on the emergency docket.
“We are done with corrupt politicians trying to force their map into effect outside the process outlined in the Missouri constitution,” said Richard von Glahn, executive director of People Not Politicians Missouri, the group that challenged the map and filed the emergency appeal at the Supreme Court.
Making clear for the first time that the court simply thought it was too late for the changes, the opinion made abundantly clear that the fight is over and the earlier maps will be used.
“The District Court and Court of Appeals should not order or otherwise require Missouri to use the 2025 map in the 2026 congressional election in Missouri,” the court wrote in the decision.
The opinion repeatedly cited a judicial doctrine known as the “Purcell principle.” Rooted in a 2006 Supreme Court decision, the principle warns federal courts at all levels against making last-minute changes to voting rules.
“The election is not merely upcoming; it has already started,” the court wrote.
On Friday, however, the court handed the Trump administration a win in its push to use a controversial database to help state election officials identify non-citizens. Over the dissent of the three liberal justices, the court rejected arguments that the administration broke the law by making it easier for officials to use the data system to vet voters’ citizenship status.
Both sides seemed to agree that the legal whiplash had created confusion for Missouri voters, though the parties differed sharply on who was to blame. County election officials, meanwhile, told a federal appeals court more than a week ago that it was already too late then to switch back to the Republican-friendly map and warned federal courts against inflicting “additional vertigo on local election authorities.”
A group opposed to the state’s 7-1 Republican map filed the emergency case at the Supreme Court on Tuesday after a federal appeals court effectively ordered the state to use that map because voters had already selected nominees for those districts in the primary election. That decision conflicted with a ruling from the state’s highest court, which ordered Missouri to revert to an earlier map, used in the 2022 election, so that voters could decide which map to use in a referendum.
Justice Brett Kavanaugh, a conservative, declined an effort by Missouri Republicans to pause that state court decision.
But minutes after Kavanaugh’s brief order, a federal district court stepped in with a ruling in favor of the GOP map. That case was once again appealed to the US Supreme Court, which once again sided against reviving the GOP map.
The conservative 8th US Circuit Court of Appeals then took up the case again, concluding that “the Constitution does not permit Missouri to use a different congressional district map in the November 2026 general election than it used in the August 2026 primary election.” The appeals court decision effectively required the state to once again move forward with the 7-1 Republican map.
Missouri’s new map targeted the 5th Congressional District, held by Democratic Rep. Emanuel Cleaver, by breaking up its Kansas City base and stretching it into rural and Republican-leaning parts of the state. Under that new map, there would have been seven conservative-leaning districts and one Democratic-leaning, a change from the current 6-2 split.
The back-and-forth over the map was reminiscent of a controversy that erupted last year when Justice Neil Gorsuch admonished lower courts for repeatedly siding against Trump in similar cases after the Supreme Court had already weighed in on its emergency docket. In that case, the court allowed the Trump administration to halt nearly $800 million in research grants awarded by the National Institutes of Health. That came weeks after the court similarly permitted the administration to block millions of dollars in grants to states intended to address teacher shortages.
“Lower court judges may sometimes disagree with this court’s decisions, but they are never free to defy them,” Gorsuch wrote in an opinion joined by Kavanaugh.
This story has been updated with additional details.
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