2026-09-11T16:47:00.764Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/09/11/politics/jd-vance-trump-midterms
在周四晚间共和党中期选举大会的主旨演讲中，副总统J·D·万斯提出了与他的上司截然不同的中期选举竞选论调。
他承认许多选民对特朗普政府的某些方面感到不满，但敦促他们 nonetheless 投票反对民主党“疯子”。
这是一场更为务实且有细微差别的竞选论调，与唐纳德·特朗普总统“一切都好，我们正处于黄金时代”的论调形成鲜明对比。
但这一论调很难说服选民——很大程度上是因为特朗普给选民留下了太多令人反感的地方。
万斯在演讲中用了大量篇幅阐述这一观点。他甚至援引了已故的查理·柯克，强烈暗示柯克本会反对特朗普发动的伊朗战争。
万斯提到“有些人喜欢我们的部分政策，但可能并不认同其他政策”。
他点名提到“年轻男性，其中许多人曾受查理·柯克鼓舞，但对他去世后发生的一些事情感到不满”。
“不要不分良莠地全盘否定，”万斯补充道，“不要因为碰巧在某一项或某几项政策问题上与我们存在分歧，就将国家拱手让给一群疯子。”
最后，他表示：“我不是要求所有人都认同本届政府的每一项政策。我所要求你们做的，是认清与激进分子的区别，并认识过去18个月取得的成就。”
这与特朗普的竞选论调截然不同。
特朗普在万斯演讲结束后随即发表讲话，大谈特谈一切有多美好，声称美国正处于新的黄金时代。
就在万斯演讲的数小时前，福克斯新闻发布了对特朗普的采访。主持人劳拉·英格拉哈姆提出，万斯稍后提到的那些“年轻男性”“士气低落”。特朗普当即直接否决了这一前提。他坚称这些人仍然支持他，并未士气低落，并且理解伊朗战争的意义。
当然，从总体上看，这并非事实。皮尤研究中心3月的一项民调显示，在30岁以下的共和党人中，仅有49%认可特朗普对伊朗战争的处理方式，而84%的共和党老年选民对此表示认可。
但这也暗示了万斯竞选论调的局限性。
问题在于，对于许多潜在的共和党选民——包括年轻男性——令他们疏远特朗普的并非仅仅一两个问题。特朗普让共和党背负了大量民调显示美国人普遍反感的政策。
特朗普甚至在周三的主旨演讲中提及了其中许多问题。周四发布的昆尼皮亚克大学民调显示，无党派人士在多个问题上压倒性地反对特朗普：
- 74%的受访者不认可他对伊朗战争的处理方式
- 75%的受访者不认可他对经济的处理方式
- 71%的受访者不认可他对俄乌战争的处理方式
- 70%的受访者不认可他对加拿大贸易的处理方式（特朗普近期发动了贸易战）
- 76%的受访者反对他近期将安大略湖更名为“美国湖”的举措
- 69%的受访者反对他的白宫舞厅改造项目
在每一项问题上，都有17%至38%的共和党人表示不认可。
同样，CNN7月的民调显示，共和党人以及倾向共和党的无党派人士——也就是共和党需要争取的选民群体——中，有多达30%、40%甚至50%或更多的人反对特朗普的做法。
还有一个问题是绝大多数美国人最关心的：物价承受能力。而特朗普在这一问题上完全不得要领。
他数月来一直 falsely 声称物价正在下降，经济正在蓬勃发展。但他似乎几乎没有说服任何人接受这一与现实相悖的说法。
这让人们认为特朗普对工作懈怠。约四分之三的民众认为他忽视了这一问题。CNN7月的民调显示，81%的无党派人士和43%的共和党人不认可他在通胀问题上的表现。
如果通胀情况糟糕，但特朗普确实在努力解决，只是进展艰难，那还情有可原。但他还推出了许多美国人并不想要的政策，这些政策表明他的优先事项并不在此，甚至在某些情况下可能加剧通胀：关税、伊朗战争、舞厅改造以及他众多的遗产项目。
特朗普表现得似乎根本不在乎公众舆论；他只想按自己的意愿行事，为自己的遗产铺路。
万斯周四的演讲至少试图坦诚地与民众沟通。但与坚持另一种现实的总统相比，这显得格格不入——而特朗普执政的方式，仿佛他拥有那种虚幻现实所赋予的政治资本。
这也凸显了万斯论点的弱点——至少就其旨在为2026年选举服务而言，而非为了未来某次需要与特朗普保持距离的竞选活动。
Vance’s midterm pitch is strikingly different from Trump’s
2026-09-11T16:47:00.764Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/09/11/politics/jd-vance-trump-midterms
In his keynote speech Thursday night at the Republican midterm convention, Vice President JD Vance offered a very different midterm pitch than his boss.
He acknowledged many voters dislike certain things about the Trump administration, but he urged them to nonetheless vote against the Democratic “crazies.”
It was a more realistic and nuanced pitch, and it’s a striking contrast to President Donald Trump’s all-is-great, we’re-in-the-Golden-Age approach.
But it’s a difficult sell — in large part because Trump has given voters so much to dislike.
Vance devoted a significant chunk of his speech to this argument. He even invoked the late Charlie Kirk, whom he strongly suggested would have opposed Trump’s war with Iran.
Vance cited “some people who love some of our policies but maybe don’t agree with others.”
He called out “young men, many of whom felt inspired by Charlie Kirk but are unhappy with some of what has happened in the wake of his death.”
“Do not throw the baby out with the bath water,” Vance added. “Don’t give the country over to a bunch of crazy people because you happen to disagree with us on a policy issue here or there.”
And finally, he said: “I’m not asking anybody to agree on every single policy of the administration. What I am asking you to do is to recognize the contrast with the radicals and recognize the achievements of the last 18 months.”
This is vastly different from Trump’s pitch.
The president followed up Vance’s speech by riffing on how great everything is, arguing the United States is in a new golden age.
And just hours before Vance’s speech, Fox News released an interview with Trump in which host Laura Ingraham posited that the same “young men” Vance later cited were “demoralized.” Trump quickly reject the premise out of hand. He insisted they still supported him, weren’t demoralized and understood the value of the Iran war.
That is, of course, not true — not in the broad strokes. A Pew Research Center poll in March showed just 49% of Republicans under 30 approved of Trump’s handling of the war, compared to 84% of GOP senior citizens.
But that hints at the limits of Vance’s pitch.
The problem is that for many would-be Republican voters — including young men — it’s not just an issue or two that has alienated them. Trump has saddled his party with a large swath of things that polls show Americans decidedly don’t like.
The president even cited many of them in his keynote address on Wednesday. A Quinnipiac University poll released Thursday showed independents overwhelmingly opposed Trump on a number of things:
- 74% disapproved of his handling of the Iran war
- 75% disapproved of his handling of the economy
- 71% disapproved of his handling of the Russia-Ukraine war
- 70% disapproved of his handling of trade with Canada (Trump recently launched a trade war)
- 76% opposed his recent renaming of Lake Ontario as “Lake America”
- 69% opposed his White House ballroom project
And on each of these, between 17% and 38% of Republicans also disapproved.
Similarly, CNN polling in July showed that Republicans and GOP-leaning independents — the kinds of voters the GOP needs to convince — often oppose what Trump does by 30%, 40% and even 50% or more.
There is also one issue that is far and away No. 1 for the vast majority of Americans: affordability. And Trump has lost the plot on it.
He’s spent months falsely claiming that prices are down and the economy is booming. But he hasn’t seemed to convince virtually anyone of this alternate reality.
That’s led people to believe Trump is asleep at the wheel. Around three-quarters of people think he’s neglected the issue. The July CNN poll showed 81% of independents and 43% of Republicans disapproved of him on inflation.
It would be one thing if inflation were bad, Trump was out there trying to fix it, and it was just a tough slog. But he’s piled on things that Americans aren’t asking for, that make clear his priorities are elsewhere, and that in some cases could even exacerbate inflation: the tariffs, the Iran war, the ballroom and his many legacy projects.
Trump is acting like he simply doesn’t care about public opinion; he just wants to do what he wants to do, for his legacy.
Vance’s presentation Thursday was at least an attempt to level with people. But it was a discordant one next to a president who insists on a different reality — and has governed as if he has the political capital that that alternate reality would afford him.
And that showcases the weakness of Vance’s argument — at least to the extent it was intended for the 2026 election, rather than a future race in which he might need some distance from Trump.
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