2026-08-07T04:01:29.159Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/08/07/politics/fauci-trump-republicans
经过多年批评,共和党人正加大力度,推进他们长期以来针对前卫生官员安东尼·福奇博士的行动。
参议院一个委员会周四以党派投票结果裁定福奇藐视国会,此前他在上周的听证会上多次援引第五修正案反对自证其罪的权利。司法部现在必须决定是否对福奇提起诉讼,考虑到唐纳德·特朗普总统任内司法部的政治化程度,这似乎相当有可能。
但在新冠疫情爆发约六年后才针对福奇,对共和党人来说也是一种选择性执法。
这是因为他被指控的许多不当行为,理论上也可以安在这位曾以最高权力职位身份领导美国政府头10个月新冠应对工作的人身上:特朗普。
在上周的听证会上,参议院国土安全与政府事务委员会主席兰德·保罗直接抛出了对福奇的指控,福奇曾是美国国家过敏和传染病研究所所长。
“公开场合,安东尼·福奇宣扬病毒自然起源的理论,”这位肯塔基州共和党人说,“但私下里,他清楚大量证据表明病毒源自实验室。”
但如果私下和公开场合对新冠疫情发表不同言论、无视收到的证据是如此严重的罪行,保罗或许应该审视一下特朗普的过往表现。
早在2020年9月,鲍勃·伍德沃德就报道称,特朗普在疫情早期也做过类似的事。CNN当时的时间线清晰展现了这一点。
2020年2月7日,特朗普告诉伍德沃德,新冠病毒“比你经历过的任何流感都要致命得多”。但当月晚些时候,他将该病毒比作流感,甚至称流感的死亡率更高,还补充说“美国民众面临的风险仍然非常低”。
特朗普随后在3月19日承认,他决定在公开评论中淡化病毒的威胁。
“我一直想淡化它的严重性,”他说,“我现在仍然想淡化它,因为我不想制造恐慌。”
伍德沃德的书中还详细描述了特朗普早在疫情初期就收到了助手发出的大量警告信号,尽管他随后在公开场合多次淡化病毒的威胁。伍德沃德报道称,早在1月28日,特朗普的副国家安全顾问就曾表示,该病毒可能和1918年流感大流行一样严重,那场大流行导致多达5000万人死亡。
上周,保罗在MS NOW节目中被问及是否也对特朗普的这些行为感到担忧。
他没有直接回答这个问题,反而称福奇更严重的罪行是监督了对从事危险研究的外国实验室的资助。保罗和其他人猜测,美国资助的“功能获得性”研究可能促成了新冠疫情的爆发,尽管这从未得到证实。
但值得注意的是,2017年特朗普首届政府期间,奥巴马时期对功能获得性研究的资助禁令被解除了。
共和党人批评福奇在上周的听证会上援引第五修正案,密苏里州参议员乔希·霍利称“没有一个诚实的人会援引第五修正案”。但特朗普在2022年的一桩民事案件中也援引了数百次第五修正案。
(福奇援引第五修正案的情况略有不同,因为他在2025年1月被即将卸任的总统乔·拜登赦免。但专家告诉CNN,福奇仍可能在赦免范围之外面临一些潜在的刑事责任。福奇还称保罗曾试图诱使他作伪证。)
共和党人还称福奇在之前关于功能获得性研究的证词中作伪证。特朗普不仅在公开场合难以如实陈述——而共和党人不愿就此追究他的责任——2022年一名联邦法官还认定,特朗普签署了包含他明知是虚假的选民欺诈指控的法律文件。
一些右翼人士尖锐批评福奇研发了新冠疫苗,称其危险且未经过充分测试,甚至可能比新冠本身更危险(这一说法是错误的)。但当然,这款疫苗是作为“曲速行动”项目的一部分研发的,该项目正是由特朗普发起的。
最后,许多共和党人将过度严格的新冠封锁归咎于福奇。但特朗普也曾有过支持关停社会活动的时候。事实上,疫情早期,这位总统曾批评佐治亚州共和党州长布莱恩·坎普在2020年春季试图过快重启经济。
并非所有这些例子都能直接类比。福奇的职责与特朗普不同,鉴于他的专业背景,他本应更有责任确保科学结论的准确性。他倡导封锁的时间也比特朗普晚得多。
但就六年前美国新冠应对工作的失败程度而言,似乎有必要追问,负责领导应对工作的政治人士是否也对此负有责任。
例如,如果疫苗真的如此危险,那么除了福奇之外,人们也理应审视特朗普及其首届政府团队在研发和批准疫苗过程中做出的决策。
如果早期的新冠防疫指南正受到严格审查,那么无视特朗普在疫情期间发表的诸多矛盾、虚假甚至怪异的言论(还记得“注射消毒剂”的言论吗)就显得很奇怪了,当时美国民众正基于这些言论做出关乎生死的决策。
但一场真正全面、不带政治偏见的新冠应对工作复盘显然不太可能实现。
Trump did many of the things Republicans criticize Fauci for
2026-08-07T04:01:29.159Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/08/07/politics/fauci-trump-republicans
After years of criticism, Republicans are bringing the heat in their longstanding efforts to target former health official Dr. Anthony Fauci.
A Senate committee voted Thursday along party lines to hold him in contempt of Congress after he repeatedly invoked his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination at a hearing last week. The Justice Department must now decide whether to charge Fauci, which seems quite possible given how politicized the department has become under President Donald Trump.
But targeting Fauci — some six years after the Covid pandemic began — is also a selective exercise for Republicans.
And that’s because many of the offenses he stands accused of could potentially be lodged at the man who ran the first 10 months of the government’s Covid response from the most powerful perch: Trump.
At the hearing last week, Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Chairman Rand Paul jumped right into his allegations against Fauci, the former head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases.
“Publicly, Anthony Fauci promoted the theory that the virus arose naturally,” the Kentucky Republican said, “while privately he was well aware of a mountain of evidence suggesting the virus originated in the lab.”
But if saying different things privately and publicly about Covid and failing to heed the evidence you’ve received is such a stark offense, Paul might want to have a gander at Trump’s track record.
Back in September 2020, Bob Woodward reported that Trump had done much the same thing early in the pandemic. CNN’s timeline from back then lays it bare.
Trump told Woodward on February 7, 2020, that Covid was “more deadly than even your strenuous flus.” But later that month, he likened the virus to the flu and even said the flu had a higher fatality rate, adding that “the risk to the American people remains very low.”
Trump went on to acknowledge on March 19 that he had decided to minimize the virus in his public comments.
“I wanted to always play it down,” he said. “I still like playing it down, because I don’t want to create a panic.”
Woodward’s book also detailed some massive warning signs Trump received from his aides very early on, even as he would go on to repeatedly downplay the virus in public. As early as January 28, Trump’s deputy national security adviser said the virus could be as bad as the influenza pandemic of 1918, which killed as many as 50 million people, Woodward reported.
Last week, Paul was asked on MS NOW whether he was also concerned about these issues with Trump.
He didn’t directly answer the question, instead suggesting Fauci’s bigger offense was overseeing funding of foreign labs that do dangerous research. Paul and others have speculated the US-funded “gain-of-function” research might have contributed to the coronavirus outbreak, though it’s never been proven.
But it’s worth noting that under the first Trump administration in 2017, an Obama-era moratorium on funding gain-of-function research was lifted.
Republicans have criticized Fauci for invoking the Fifth Amendment at his hearing last week, with Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri saying that “no honest person pleads the Fifth”. But Trump in a 2022 civil case also invoked the Fifth hundreds of times.
(Fauci’s invocation of the Fifth is somewhat different, in that he was pardoned by outgoing President Joe Biden in January 2025. But experts told CNN that Fauci still might have had some potential criminal liability outside the bounds of that pardon. Fauci also claimed Paul would try to get him to commit perjury.)
Republicans have also suggested Fauci committed perjury in his prior testimony about gain-of-function research. Trump not only struggles mightily to tell the truth publicly — which Republicans are loath to hold him accountable for — but a federal judge in 2022 found Trump signed legal documents containing voter fraud claims that he knew were false.
Some on the right have sharply criticized Fauci for the creation of Covid vaccines that they contend were dangerous and untested and possibly even more dangerous than Covid (which is false). But of course, that vaccine was created as part of a program, Operation Warp Speed, that was launched by Trump.
And finally, many Republicans have blamed Fauci for overzealous Covid lockdowns. But there was also a time when Trump supported shutting down society. In fact, early in the pandemic, the president criticized Republican Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp for trying to open up too quickly in the spring of 2020.
Not all of these examples are apples-to-apples. Fauci’s duties differed from Trump’s, and there was more of an onus on him to get the science right, given his expertise. He also advocated lockdowns much later into the pandemic than Trump did.
But to the extent the nation’s Covid response went poorly six years ago, it would seem important to ask whether the political folks in charge of running it also had something to do with it.
If the vaccine was so dangerous, for example, it would stand to reason people would be scrutinizing the decisions of Trump and others in his first administration in forging it and getting it approved, besides just Fauci.
And if early Covid guidance is under the microscope, it seems weird to ignore the many contradictions and false and even bizarre statements about the virus (remember the bleach?) coming from Trump at a time when Americans were making life-and-death decisions about what they should do.
But a true, broad, apolitical review of the Covid response apparently just isn’t in the cards.
发表回复