2026-07-27T09:00:26.310Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/07/27/politics/iran-war-trump-questions
伊朗战争可能正迎来又一个转折点。
在为期三个月的停火协议失效后,双方于本月恢复战斗,但几乎没有迹象表明任何一方能真正取得战略优势。
随着战争陷入某种僵局,目前最主要的动向似乎是冲突背后少数美国支持者的态度正在动摇。尽管美军行动“处于暂停状态”,一名国防部消息人士周末告诉CNN,在连续近两周的夜间空袭后,特朗普政府仍不时试探升级局势。
那么接下来会发生什么?以下是几个关键问题。
即便最初没有批评这场战争的人,也开始公开质疑这场冲突还能持续多久。
福克斯新闻主持人劳拉·英格拉哈姆上周一晚表示:“对特朗普总统来说,在选民投票前结束这场战争的时钟正在滴答作响。这让很多共和党人感到不安……共和党人不能让这场战争成为无休止的干扰因素,尤其是如果他们想在11月赢得选举的话。”
众议院议长迈克·约翰逊周二在强调这场战争的重要性后补充道:“现在我们必须结束它。”
与此同时,路易斯安那州参议员比尔·卡西迪周日在CNN的《国情咨文》节目中表示:“在我看来,总统已经有机会实现我最初赞同的那些初步目标,现在是时候结束战争了,但目前还没有做到。”
但特朗普目前似乎没有很好的方式结束这场战争。伊朗似乎连一份相当优厚的和平协议(即谅解备忘录)都不感兴趣,而特朗普重启空袭和威胁似乎也没能威慑住伊朗。
如果没有核协议,这些共和党人是否准备好敦促特朗普撤军?如果伊朗继续控制霍尔木兹海峡怎么办?后者尤其会是一场重大失利,很难将其粉饰为其他情况。因此,如果知名共和党人表示无论是否达成协议,或是在海峡问题悬而未决的情况下,都应该撤军,这简单来说就意味着他们害怕这场战争带来的政治后果。
特朗普本人周二再次坚称,中期选举“不会对我产生任何影响”。
特朗普已经明确表示,他担心自3月以来美军在战争中的首次阵亡——自常规空袭恢复以来已有4名美军士兵阵亡——可能会进一步削弱公众对战争的支持。
一方面,他一直在将目前18名美军服役人员的阵亡人数与伤亡惨重的过往战争进行有利对比。另一方面,他一直在毫无根据地声称,阵亡士兵及其家属支持这场战争行动。(至少有一名家属表示了不同意见。)
种种证据表明,总统的这种明显焦虑是有充分理由的。
路透社和益普索在3月进行的一项民调显示,42%的共和党人和53%的无党派人士表示,美军在中东阵亡或受伤会让他们更有可能反对这场战争。
五角大楼周末悄悄更新了伤亡数据库,新增了140多名伤员,使总伤亡人数超过600人。
即便伤亡人数低于以往战争,也可能产生不成比例的影响。这是因为即使在没有人员伤亡的几个月里,美国人也已经基本反对这场战争。毕竟,不断上涨的油价已经足够令人担忧。
鉴于美国人大多看不到这场战争的意义,也不指望它能带来任何好处,看到服役人员因此阵亡,公众可能更难接受这场战争。
到目前为止,特朗普一直坚决反对升级局势。但鉴于僵局日益加剧,他和身边的人有可能认定,升级是避免尴尬撤军的唯一选择。
当然,他的犹豫也有合理的理由。
例如,特朗普曾多次威胁要打击伊朗的基础设施,就在过去一周也发出过类似威胁。但这可能构成战争罪。
另一个选择是试图控制具有战略意义的领土,比如哈尔克岛或霍尔木兹海峡周边地区——这些都是对伊朗疲软经济至关重要的石油枢纽。但这很可能需要地面部队,3月的一项CNN民调显示,68%对11%的美国人反对派遣地面部队,而且这还会带来更多美军伤亡和更长时间战争的风险。
特朗普周四接受Axios采访时表示,他目前正在“考虑发动一场大规模打击”,并称这将“比以往任何时候都规模更大”。
但他之前也曾多次发表过类似言论,尽管没有从伊朗那里得到他想要的东西,他还是经常退缩。
在某个时刻,他和身边的人似乎会认定,威胁实际上并未奏效。
特朗普周末暂停了空袭,美国驻联合国大使迈克尔·瓦尔茨表示,特朗普是在“为谈判留出空间”。
但CNN及其他媒体报道称,政府可能暂缓大规模行动的部分原因是副总统JD·万斯和参谋长联席会议主席丹·凯恩将军对升级局势表示担忧,凯恩还提到了对美国弹药储备规模的担忧。
上周最令人不安的事态发展之一是,伊朗在也门的代理人胡塞武装宣布封锁曼德海峡,并开始在红海 targeting 沙特船只。
这相当于霍尔木兹海峡的一个主要绕行通道,因此阻碍航运对本已举步维艰的全球石油市场来说是不利的。
到周四,油价自5月以来首次突破每桶100美元。此前美国的平均油价已经回升至每加仑4美元以上。
从某种程度上来说,特朗普的影响力可以直接追溯到后者这个数字。只要油价大幅超过每加仑4美元,他就很难为这场战争辩护,不仅无法让美国公众接受,也无法让他的盟友接受。
特朗普目前最大的问题之一是他曾向民众许下过高的承诺。他曾表示,他只会接受伊朗的“无条件投降”,目标是永远阻止伊朗研发核武器。他甚至还谈到伊朗人民会起来推翻本国领导人。
从已经破裂的谅解备忘录条款来看,他已经大幅缩减了这些目标。现在的问题是,他是否会为了从战争中脱身而接受更少的条件。
例如,特朗普会接受在不达成核协议的情况下仅重新开放霍尔木兹海峡吗?他之前曾暗示伊朗实际上已经实现了无核化,只需从太空进行监测即可。
(当然,特朗普一年前也曾说伊朗的核计划已经“被摧毁”,但他还是发动了战争。)
特朗普也曾偶尔暗示,霍尔木兹海峡其实并不是美国的问题——或者至少对其他国家来说是更严重的问题。他会不会认为自己可以直接撤军,让那些利害关系更大的国家来处理这个问题?
这对美国与其他国家的关系来说将是糟糕的,但讨好盟友通常不在特朗普的优先事项清单上。
目前看来,共和党控制的国会此前对中期选举表现得更为焦虑,距离行使其对战争的宪法权力还有很长的路要走。但已经出现了一些动向。
国会可以通过拒绝或推迟战争拨款来做到这一点。众议院上周通过了一项包含战争拨款的法案,但该法案在参议院的命运看起来最多也只是不明朗。
第二条途径是继续通过战争权力决议投票来限制特朗普的权力。众议院周四第二次就该决议进行了投票,由共和党控制的参议院也投过一次赞成票。
国会的共和党人总体上对特朗普的战争政策给予了很大的宽松空间,但政府显然正在违反《战争权力法》规定的60至90天限制——这场冲突旷日持久,政府还声称实际上有两场战争,因为中间有停火期。一些共和党议员也表示,他们越来越厌倦这种不合逻辑的解释。
“仅仅因为你停止一场战争,几天后又重新开始,这对宪法来说真的不算什么,”南卡罗来纳州众议员南希·梅斯上周告诉CNN的马努·拉朱。
阿拉斯加州参议员丽莎·穆尔科斯基上周在一场听证会上也发表了类似言论。
最近从投票支持限制特朗普的战争权力转向支持给予特朗普更多时间的卡西迪周日补充说,国会可能“很快”就需要采取行动。
6 looming questions about the Iran war
2026-07-27T09:00:26.310Z / https://www.cnn.com/2026/07/27/politics/iran-war-trump-questions
The Iran war could be reaching another pivot point.
Following the demise of a three-month-long ceasefire, the two sides returned to fighting this month, but with little sign that either is really gaining a strategic advantage.
With the war in a bit of a quagmire, the main movement seemingly happening right now is wavering support among the conflict’s few US supporters. And although US operations are “on a hold,” a Defense Department source told CNN over the weekend, after nearly two consecutive weeks of nightly strikes, the Trump administration has routinely flirted with escalation.
So what happens next? Here are some of the critical questions.
Even those who didn’t initially criticize the war are starting to publicly question how long it can go on.
Fox News host Laura Ingraham said last Monday night that “the clock is ticking for President Trump to get out of this war before voters head to the polls. It’s making a lot of Republicans nervous. … Republicans cannot let this become an endless distraction, especially if they want to win in November.”
House Speaker Mike Johnson on Tuesday espoused the importance of the war before adding: “Now we’ve got to wrap it up.”
Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, meanwhile, said on CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday that “in my mind, the president’s had the opportunity to achieve the initial goals, which I agreed with, to wrap it up. It’s not happened at this point.”
But there doesn’t seem to be a great way for Trump to wrap it up right now. Iran didn’t seem interested in even a pretty favorable peace agreement (the memorandum of understanding) and Trump’s renewed strikes and threats don’t seem to have cowed the country either.
Are those Republicans prepared to push Trump to get out if there’s no nuclear deal? What if Iran continues to control the Strait of Hormuz? The latter, especially, would be a major loss that would be difficult to sell as anything else. So if prominent Republicans suggest it’s time to just get out regardless of a deal, or with the issue of the strait unsettled, it quite simply means they’re terrified of the politics of this.
Trump, for his part, insisted again on Tuesday that the midterms “won’t have any impact on me.”
Trump has made it abundantly clear that he’s worried that the first US troop deaths in the war since March — there have been four since regular strikes resumed — could further damage public support.
For one, he keeps favorably comparing the number of deaths (currently 18 US service members) to past wars with much higher death tolls. And for another, he keeps claiming — without evidence — that the fallen troops and their families supported the war effort. (At least one family member has said something different.)
The evidence suggests there’s good reason for the president’s apparent anxiety.
A Reuters-Ipsos poll back in March showed 42% of Republicans and 53% of independents said US troops being killed or injured in the Middle East would make them more likely to oppose the war.
The Pentagon over the weekend quietly updated its casualty database, recording more than 140 additionally wounded and bringing the total to more than 600.
And even a lower death toll than previous wars could have an outsized impact. That’s because Americans have largely turned against this war even during months in which there were no deaths. After all, the rising gas prices seemed compelling enough.
And given Americans largely don’t seem to see the point of the war or expect it to do any good, seeing service members die as part of it could be even more difficult to countenance.
Trump has steadfastly resisted escalation so far. But given the growing impasse, it’s possible he and those around him decide it’s the only alternative to a potentially embarrassing retreat.
There are credible reasons for his hesitation, of course.
Trump has repeatedly threatened to strike Iranian infrastructure, for example, including over the past week. But that could constitute war crimes.
Another option is to try to control strategically important territory, like Kharg Island or the area around the Strait of Hormuz — all critical oil hubs that contribute to Iran’s struggling economy. But that would very likely require ground troops, which a CNN poll in March showed Americans opposed 68%-11%, and comes with the risk of a lot more US casualties and a longer war.
Trump told Axios on Thursday that he is currently “considering a massive attack,” which he called “bigger than ever before.”
But he’s made similar comments many times before, and he has regularly backed off despite not getting what he wanted from Iran.
At some point, it seems he and those around him would decide that threats aren’t really working.
Trump paused strikes this weekend, with US Ambassador to the United Nations Michael Waltz saying Trump was “giving the talks some space.”
But CNN and others reported that part of the reason the administration might hold off on going big is that Vice President JD Vance and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Dan Caine have raised concerns about escalation, and Caine has pointed to concern over the size of the US munitions stockpile.
One of the most troubling developments last week was that the Houthis, Iran’s proxies in Yemen, announced a blockade of Bab al-Mandeb strait and started targeting Saudi ships in the Red Sea.
That’s acted as a major bypass of the Strait of Hormuz, so hindering passage is bad for an already struggling global oil market.
By Thursday, oil topped $100 a barrel for the first time since May. That’s after gas already went back above an average of $4 per gallon in the United States.
And on some level, Trump’s leverage can be directly traced to the latter number. To the extent gas prices rise significantly beyond $4 per gallon, it’s going to be difficult for him to make a case for the war that’s going to be acceptable to not just the American public, but also his allies.
One of Trump’s biggest problems right now is that he promised people the moon. He said he would only accept “UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER” from Iran and that he aimed to prevent it from building a nuclear weapon in perpetuity. He even talked about the Iranian people rising up to oust their leaders.
He’s already significantly scaled back those goals, judging by the terms of the now shattered memorandum of understanding. Now the question is whether he might settle for even less just to extract himself from the war.
For example, would Trump accept a simple reopening of the Strait of Hormuz without a nuclear deal? He’s previously suggested that Iran is already effectively denuclearized and that it can simply be monitored from space.
(Of course, Trump also said Iran’s nuclear program was “obliterated” a year ago, and he still went to war.)
Trump has also occasionally suggested that the Strait of Hormuz isn’t really the United States’ problem — or at least that it’s a bigger problem for other countries. Might he reason that he can just pull out and force others with more at stake to deal with it?
That would be horrible for US relations with other countries, but making nice with allies doesn’t generally rank high on Trump’s list of concerns.
It still seems like the Republican-controlled Congress, which has been more outwardly anxious about the midterms, is a long way from asserting its constitutional authority over the war. But there have been some developments.
One way Congress could do this is by declining or delaying funding for the war. The House passed a bill that included funding last week, but the bill’s fate in the Senate looks murky at best.
The second path is continuing to hold votes to limit Trump’s authority via war powers resolutions. The House voted to do so for the second time on Thursday, and the GOP-controlled Senate has voted that way once, too.
Republicans in Congress have given Trump a wide berth on the war generally, but the administration is clearly flouting the 60-to-90-day limits of the War Powers Act — engaging in a drawn-out conflict and claiming it has actually been two conflicts because of the ceasefire in between. And some GOP lawmakers are signaling they’re growing tired of the illogical explanations.
“Just because you stop a war and then restart it a few days later doesn’t really mean anything to the Constitution,” Rep. Nancy Mace of South Carolina told CNN’s Manu Raju last week.
Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska made similar comments at a hearing last week.
Cassidy, who recently switched from voting to limit Trump’s war powers to allowing Trump more time, added Sunday that Congress might “soon” need to act.
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